Israel's Election Season: The Opening Shot

Summary

For Heaven’s Sake – “Israel's Election Season: The Opening Shot”
Podcast Summary with Timestamps
Date: July 8, 2026
Hosts: Donniel Hartman & Yossi Klein Halevi

---

Episode Overview

This episode marks the onset of a particularly tumultuous Israeli election season, one defined by seismic political shifts, emerging parties, escalating legislative maneuvers, and unprecedented constitutional friction. Donniel Hartman and Yossi Klein Halevi dissect four key phenomena shaping the election mood: the formation of new parties, the meteoric rise of Eisenkot, a legislative blitz favoring the ultra-Orthodox and Likud, and the government’s open defiance of the Supreme Court. The dialogue is animated by concern for Israel’s core values, the nature of stability versus upheaval, and how these tensions reflect broader identity struggles within Israeli society.

---

Main Themes & Discussion Points

1. Waves of Political Upheaval (00:10–05:34)

• Both hosts describe the current political environment as intensely unstable, emphasizing the barrage of developments ahead of the Knesset’s self-dissolution.

• Donniel sums up the climate as “upheaval” and wonders whether Israelis crave stability or are seeking upheaval as a pathway to renewed stability.

  "It's just, you don't know if it's your stomach, your mind, your heart. Everything is just being turned upside down." (A, 05:02)

• Both express personal exhaustion and apprehension about the months ahead, acknowledging that upheaval can be both potentially beneficial and deeply unsettling.

---

2. Emergence of New Parties and Shifting Alliances (06:15–14:13)

• The emergence of a new centrist party—the “Reservists,” led by Joaz Hendel and Gilly Tropper—is reframing the electoral landscape, capturing 5–6 projected seats and making coalition calculus unpredictable.

• This party vows only to join Zionist governments, excluding both Arab and ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) parties, which “further solidifies ideological lines in the opposition.”

• Yossi interprets the party as essentially precluding any alliance with Netanyahu’s Likud due to its inextricable partnership with ultra-Orthodox factions:

  "Netanyahu's coalition partners are the ultra orthodox. He has no government without the Haredim." (B, 10:09)

• The realignment is seen by Yossi as both a nail in the coffin for Netanyahu and a potential bridge to a post-Netanyahu Likud.

• Donniel undergoes a shift in perspective, from anxiety to cautious optimism, recognizing these new parties might facilitate a path to an alternate coalition:

  "With this new party, if it really is formed now, we're getting close to 60, 61 for Eisenkot. So there actually is some good news." (A, 12:35)

• Notable moment: Only Gadi Eisenkot congratulated Gilly Tropper, signaling possible alignment or future party mergers. (B, 13:46)

---

3. Eisenkot’s Meteoric Rise & Bennett’s Decline (14:13–22:01)

• Eisenkot’s party now rivals Likud, polling at 23 seats, as Bennett drops to 16—a dramatic reversal.

• Yossi shares his personal pivot from Bennett to Eisenkot, despite feeling Bennett is the more competent leader. This change is spurred by his son’s argument that Israel currently needs a unifying, healing figure more than a policy expert:

  "The main crisis in Israel today is internal. And we need someone who's the antithesis of Netanyahu. ... Eisenkot represents the old Israeli ethos which this government has trampled." (B, 16:26)

• Eisenkot’s appeal lies in his non-charismatic, humble style and the emotional resonance of a parent who lost a son in combat:

  "He's carrying all of our brokenness in the most visual way possible." (B, 18:46)

• Donniel contends that a coalition with Bennett and other experienced figures would mitigate Eisenkot’s lack of political experience.

• Both agree that Eisenkot’s modesty and willingness to listen set him apart from previous military leaders-turned-prime-ministers (Rabin, Barak):

  "Maybe it is better that the policy person be number two and the healing person be number one." (A, 19:15) "Eisenkot has a certain modesty and he knows what he doesn't know." (B, 21:12)

---

4. Legislative Blitz: Promoting Torah Study and Weakening Legal Oversight (22:01–30:15)

• Netanyahu’s government pushes laws enshrining Torah study as a national virtue and suspending prosecution of Haredi draft dodgers, further privileging Yeshiva students.

• Donniel reacts viscerally:

  "I can tell you how nauseous it makes me. Makes me physically ill. ... That the State of Israel is now declaring Torah study as a core value of the country, as the only study discipline. It's the antithesis of Zionism." (A, 26:25)

• The Haredi leadership secures what they need for their base and in return, backs measures to split and weaken the Attorney General’s authority.

• Both hosts doubt the moves' wisdom—Netanyahu risks losing support from coalition voters who increasingly resent these legislative priorities.

  "He has built his success on an alliance with the ultra Orthodox. That alliance is at once his greatest political asset and his greatest liability in the coming election." (B, 28:32)

• They speculate whether desperation, rather than coherent strategy, is driving Netanyahu—who seems increasingly out of options.

---

5. Constitutional Crisis: Open Defiance of the Supreme Court (30:15–34:40)

• The government, refusing to comply with a Supreme Court order concerning the broadcasting oversight committee, is essentially enacting by fiat what the override clause threatened during judicial reform debates.

• Donniel warns of creeping authoritarianism:

  "Once an override clause is allowed, there is no more democracy and a rule of law. It's a dictatorship of the majority... the government is essentially doing the same thing. I'm just not listening." (A, 30:15)

• The hosts agree that the government’s standoff with the Supreme Court will animate Netanyahu’s base, but likely repels swing voters.

  "Netanyahu will energize his base, but this will not draw a single wavering vote into the Likud orbit." (B, 33:37)

• Yossi questions Netanyahu’s political judgment and stability, seeing his reliance on judicial conflict and conspiracy language as signs of desperation rather than vision.

  "I question his judgment, frankly, I question his stability at this point..." (B, 35:27)

---

Key Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On Unrest:
  "Do we want upheaval? Do we want stability? Do we want an upheaval in order to bring stability? How do you see this?" (B, 05:21)

• On the Challenges of Torah Legislation:
  "It's about telling you that Torah study is more important than all other Areas of knowledge that this country needs... and more important than service in the army, which for me is just simply blasphemy." (A, 26:25)

• On Eisenkot’s Unique Appeal:
  "Every time he stands up and delivers a speech calmly, without emotion, you feel that he's channeling the Israeli resilience that we're all struggling with." (B, 18:46)

• On Netanyahu’s Situation:
  "He has built his success on an alliance with the ultra Orthodox. That alliance is at once his greatest political asset and his greatest liability in the coming election." (B, 28:32)

• On the Supreme Court Crisis:
  "Once an override clause is allowed, there is no more democracy and a rule of law. It's a dictatorship of the majority." (A, 30:15)

---

Closing Reflections (36:29–end)

• Yossi frames the overarching election dynamic as “chaos, upheaval versus stability,” noting the irony that Netanyahu—once the candidate of order—now epitomizes chaos.

  "Netanyahu used to be the candidate of stability and now he's become the candidate of chaos. And Eisenkot's appeal... is steadiness." (B, 36:29)

• The hosts agree that the hope for stability and a reclamation of national ethos—embodied in Eisenkot and some new parties—might shape the election’s outcome.

---

Timestamps for Major Segments

• 00:10 – Setting the scene: chaos and upheaval
• 06:15 – New parties, shifting coalitions
• 14:13 – Eisenkot’s rise, Bennett’s decline, leadership qualities
• 22:01 – Legislative blitz: laws favoring Haredi interests, legal system under attack
• 30:15 – Open constitutional crisis, defiance of Supreme Court
• 36:29 – Final reflections: chaos vs. stability, prospects for Israeli democracy and society

---

Summary prepared to reflect the nuance, tone, and depth of the conversation, for listeners and non-listeners alike.

Transcript

[A]

You are listening to an art media podcast.

[B]

I think we all knew that election season was going to be an experience of one upheaval after another. And especially this election where there's so much at stake in the minds of both camps.

[A]

We're 10 days away from the Knesset disbanding itself and salvos are being shot from all sides were being bombarded.

[B]

We knew that whatever was coming was going to be very, very intense. You know, we haven't seen nothing yet, you know, so the question, Daniyal, is really, what do Israelis want? Do we want upheaval? Do we want stability? Do we want an upheaval in order to bring stability?

[A]

Let's see. You know, we're entering into a strange time, a crazy time. Stay tun.

[B]

Foreign.

[A]

This is Daniil Hartman and Yossi Klein Halevi from the Sholem Hartman Institute. And this is our podcast, for heaven's sake, in collaboration with Arc Media. Today is Tuesday, July 7th, and our theme for today is Israel's election season, the opening shot. And you actually feel that it's a shot, it's an opening salvo. There's we're 10 days away from the Knesset disbanding itself and elections then announced within the next 10 days, somewhere between October 20 and October 27. And salvos are being shot from all sides. We're being bombarded. And I do believe that especially this government enjoys destabilizing or would like to run from a destabilized environment where everything is being shaken. But there are four particular issues that we want to look at at this opening scene of the election season. The first is the forming of new parties. For the last three years, four years, all the polls were there were eight or 10 parties that were polled. We knew what the coalition was, we knew what the opposition was, and you could have a clear answer. 58, 59 to 52, 51 Arab parties. Everything was clear. Well, now, with three months to the elections, new parties are being formed and they're changing the equation. The first party officially being formed is being led by two veteran politicians, people of significant experience, Joaz Hendel and Gilly Tropper. We'll talk about what that party means later, but it's changing the map. And these parties are projected to get about five, six seats, changing the balance of power of all the poles. Or over the last three and a half years. The second salvo, or earth shaking event, is that Eisenkot. His party is continuing its dramatic rise in the polls and now he's reached 23, equivalent to the Likud Party. And if it continues, the Likud Party will no longer be the largest party. And at the same time, Bennett's consistent decline, and now he's down to 16, and there's a gap of seven seats between Eisenkot and Bennett. And we're going to have to talk about what that means. The third issue is a dense blitz of legislation on a whole range of issues being put forth by this coalition. A government which really left major issues aside, couldn't reach a consensus, and really was not engaged in ongoing legislation for these last 10 days. It wants to pass almost two years worth of legislation on some of the most contentious issues facing Israeli soc. And the fourth is in many ways the creation of a constitutional crisis for the first time in Israel, where the government officially declared that it is going to disobey the ruling of the Supreme Court. So each one of these by itself would be enough. But it's all four together are defining now this public mood that we're in. And what we want to do is unpack each one of them and understand where they're going. But before we get into each one, any comments y you have on this? All four together? Is it too much? What's your feeling and how Israelis are feeling?

[B]

Look, I think we all knew that election season was going to be an experience of one upheaval after another. And especially this election where there's so much at stake in the minds of both camps. We knew that whatever was coming was going to be very, very intense. We haven't seen nothing yet.

[A]

We haven't seen nothing.

[B]

No, this is.

[A]

Okay, so the two words I'm taking from you as we dive in is one, it's a very good word, is upheaval. That's the word that I was really experiencing. It's just, you don't know if it's your stomach, your mind, your heart. Everything is just being turned upside down. And the other one is you haven't seen nothing yet.

[B]

So the question, Daniel, is really, what do Israelis want? Do we want upheaval? Do we want stability? Do we want an upheaval in order to bring stability? How do you see this? Where is this playing out?

[A]

I don't know. See, I hate this upheaval, but part of it is biased because I felt very comfortable with the status quo. My parties were one to two seats away from forming a coalition. It was clear who was going to win. So I was comfortable with, like, continuing what you're doing because the results are clear. But some of these upheavals are very interesting. And I think they're going to be. Some of them are very beneficial, but challenging to Israel. The first two are important. Let's break them down. But I could have lived without upheaval. I've had enough going on in my life right now. We are so exhausted. But these three months are going to demand a lot of energy.

[B]

So the political upheaval that upsets you the most, really, in a visceral way, is the emergence of this new small party that's thrown the political balance into uncertainty. That's really what upsets you.

[A]

It's interesting. You're right. So let me just give a little intro to our audience and then we could start talking about it. The 58, 59, 52 to 51 balance between the opposition and the coalition created a reality in which there was no path forward for Netanyahu to win. And the central issue would be who's going to be the largest party after the election, in which case the president turns to that party and gives them, what is it, 30 days or 60 days to form a coalition, which basically changes the whole dynamic. These new parties, and this is the first one, and probably another two will be formed because the various egos aren't going to be able to join together. But not all three are going to pass the threshold. You're going to see one with Gantz and some other people. You'll see one with the Likud Party. People from the Likud who Netanyahu has rejected and who, if they would run within the Likud, have no future. And you have this party. Now let's talk about this party, because it's important that this was the first party, because in many ways, this is the most ideological of the three parties probably that are going before. The other ones are much more personality

[B]

and the party that may have the best chance of getting in.

[A]

That's interesting. We'll have to see. These are two very experienced politicians, both of them clearly on the liberal democratic side, in the classic sense of liberal in human rights and democracy and the rule of law and judicial reform. Very, very responsible mainstream people, especially Gilly Tropper was one of the stars of the Bennett government, really the central figure in Benny Gantz's party, the voice behind the throne, but respected by everybody. And Joaz Hendel as a senior military man, seasoned politician, and in many ways also a military hero, who after October 7, sets up a new military division with old timers to help carry the burden being placed on the youth and leading the call for a new generation of Israeli leadership. Growing out of the community of people who serve. The name of his party is the Reservists. But there are two ideological features of this party and they are very, very clear. One of them is that they will only join an exclusively Zionist government. That means without Arab parties and without Haredim, there will be no compromise on any of those issues in a coalition that this party is going to form. And so someone who feels that that's crit them is going to feel safer with them than they might be with an Eisenkot or with others and certainly with an Netanyahu. And the other issue which is going to be interesting is that they are running on the campaign that they want to break the right wing, left wing divide in Israel, that this just can't be. And we need to not just have Bennett and Lieberman as the right, that somewhere along the line the Likud and Eisenkot or the Likuda and Labor, we're going to have to get over that divide of the just Bebe, just not Bebe for the future of this country. This is a short intro into them. You'll see what's their contribution. And it destabilizes. You're right. Because now Eisenkot's coalition, the opposition coalition, goes down to 55 seats. Netanyahu goes down to 4,950. It just gets further and further away from the magic number 61, which is necessary to form a coalition. So how do you understand this move? Not of their but like the interest in Israel for this?

[B]

Look, I don't think this new party has anywhere to go except with Eisenhower and Bennett. If they're serious about shifting the economic reserves, no pun intended, away from the ultra orthodox to those who serve, they can't go into a coalition led by Netanyahu. Netanyahu's coalition partners are the ultra orthodox. He has no government without the Haredim. And so there's a measure of bluff here. I think what they are really saying is we know that there is no future for a Netanyahu led Likud. The Netanyahu era is over. And this is one more nail in that process. But we want to be sure that the post Netanyahu Likud will be invited to participate in the government. Now, I hate that idea. And I hate that idea because I believe that the Likud under Netanyahu has been so thoroughly corrupted, literally corrupted. The level of financial and political corruption that we've seen in this government is unprecedented even by the measure of Israeli politics, and also ideologically corrupted. Kahanism the far right ideology has penetrated large parts of the mainstream Likud. So what I was hoping for is that after this election, the Likud sits in opposition in the way that the Labour Party after the Yom Kippur war, was forced into opposition and needed to in some ways, rethink, reconstitute itself. But that's an ideal. In an ideal Israel, the Likud would sit in opposition. Given the political map, we don't have the numbers to create a stable government. And so we're going to have to swallow hard. And the question is, who do you want to exclude from government more? Is it the Haredim? Is it the Likud? Is it, Is it the far right? And we know within the camp of the opposition, the priority is excluding the ultra orthodox parties and the far right and making sure that Bibi isn't the Prime Minister and the new party could actually address all three of those needs. So that makes me feel cautiously hopeful.

[A]

You know, Yossi, I needed to speak to you two days ago because I forgot. No, like I've been unnecessarily filled with angst as I see this new party taking. And I forgot. And you're right, I needed my Yossi. Can I say that if that makes sense? Because you're right, he can't sit. This party will never sit with the Likud and the ultra orthodox. That's not even an option. And will the Likud join an Eisenkot led coalition as a junior partner? What this party will do is it'll suggest, it'll force them to offer it. But at the end of the day, with this new party, if it really is formed now, we're getting close to 60, 61 for Eisenkot. So there actually is some good news because even though technically they're taking some votes away from Eisenhut, this is the first time that two seats could potentially be moved from the coalition to the opposition. Yossi, thank you very, very much. It's really interesting and I appreciate it. I can tell you the rest of this podcast could just be much more relaxed. So thank you for that. And it's like so self evident, but, you know, sometimes you get so nervous you forget the self evidence, so.

[B]

And by the way, Daniel, did you notice that the only major Israeli politician to congratulate Khedi Tropper on reentering politics was Gadi Eisenkot? So I don't think that that's a coincidence. You know, he sees him either as an ally or as someone who may in the end bring the party into. Folded into Eisenhutt's party. Right.

[A]

Interesting. And I'm sure Netanyahu sitting right now and trying to find which party is there that could possibly take seats from Bennett or Eisenkut, which new party. But I don't think there are parties that are going to make a significant difference. And so this is one interesting change. And we'll have to watch it because we're going to have these two, three parties. And then the one or two which pass the required three and three quarter percent threshold, four seats are the ones that run. So we have this first new group. And it further solidifies ideologically the position of the vast majority of the opposition. And that is to move Israel into a future which is not built on the Haredi. It's not simply the Haredi parties in the government, but a country in which this group of people will continue in the current status quo, which is basically unsustainable. We are funding our economic demise. And we're also placing a weight and a burden on people that is simply unimaginal. People just can't anymore. They just can't. I'm even hearing about businesses who are telling people, if you go to Miloim again, I can't keep your job. Cause it's not like I don't want to. The country has to change. The first party is there. Let's go to the second issue and I want to get your comments on that. And that I keep on saying the Eisenhut government, when just a week or two ago we were saying the Bennett government. And so, ladies and gentlemen, around the world, it's almost a fait accompli. There's now a 6, 7 seat difference between them. Eisenkot has passed Bennett. Bennett and Yair Lapid are the third largest party. They'll be Major Kolish, but they're no longer leading the opposition. There is now conversation already taking place for Bennett to join Eisenkot. And together they would have 39 seats opposed to Netanyahu's 23, 21 seats. And then they have the first shot at the next coalition. Yossi, what do you think about this remarkable change?

[B]

So I'm part of the change because up until a couple of weeks ago, I was firmly a Bennett voter and I've switched to Eisencot. And I'm a little surprised that I have. I'm still trying to absorb this change. And what's strange for me is that I know or I feel that Bennett would be the better prime minister. I think he was an excellent prime minister for the all too brief term in 2022, when he was prime minister and did a terrific job. Eisenkot has almost no political experience. And we know from past experience that when you catapult someone from the head of the IDF directly into the prime ministership, it doesn't work out well. And so I've been a little bit queasy watching the rise of Eisencot. And what made me change my mind was actually a conversation with my son Gavriel, who's my principal political advisor. And Gavriel's argument was, look, these are not ordinary times. The main crisis in Israel today is internal. And we need someone who's the antithesis of Netanyahu. We need someone who represents the national ethos, and no one does that better than a father who lost his son in combat in the past year. Eisenkot represents the old Israeli ethos which this government has trampled. And so if you look at where the healing needs to come from, who's going to bring us together? It's a former IDF commander who's a little bit overweight, doesn't have much charisma. And if you think about it, Daniil, in some ways he's the antithesis of Benny Gantz, at least visually. Benny Gantz was the IDF commander in chief who just looked central casting. Square jaw, determined, great smile, you know, tall. When Gandhi smiles, you feel it's more. You know, it's a Krecht. It's hard for him to smile. And your heart goes out to him. Of course it's hard for him to smile. You know, he's carrying this brokenness, but that is now his strength. He's carrying all of our brokenness in the most visual way possible. He's also carrying our resilience. Every time he stands up and delivers a speech calmly, without emotion, you feel that he's channeling the Israeli resilience that we're all struggling with. So there's a tremendous drama that he's acting out in his deceptively simple way. And I think that's what's touching me. And I think that's why he's rising.

[A]

That was beautiful, Yossi. See, I'm not voting either for Bennett or for Eisencot. Just, you know, truth be told, before listening to you, I had also a very strong preference for Bennett, because running this country is a serious job, and the challenges we're facing are immense right now, and I don't think we have the time for an extensive learning curve. As colleague of mine who's been involved with politicians for decades, says over and again, really good people get into the position and they spend all their time learning. And just when they're ready to actually make a difference, then there's an election again. And so we start with this incompetent story over and over and over again. And I think Bennett both learned and I think he spent the last three years knowing that he was going to be Prime Minister. And I think his team of people have put forth thoughts and plans that are very, very serious. They might not be everything that I agree with. And so the only thing that makes me more comfortable with Eisenhut are two things. A, your very, very beautiful, eloquent explanation again, Yossi, thank you very much. I needed you. And the second thing is that it's going to be a coalition government. Bennett is going to be something very significant with a major portfolio. And the advantage is that Eisenkot, unlike Netanyahu, is not an ego driven person. Nothing in his career has ever been that way. He just doesn't work that he gave up possibilities for advancement in the army and in politics for the sake of the well being of the country. And so knowing that he and Bennett together, and if they run together with a 38 seat, 39 seat or 37 seat, whatever it might be, that that partnership will bring expertise. And maybe it is better that the policy person be number two and the healing person be number one. Maybe.

[B]

That's great. That's a great insight. And I also think that just to expand on that point, Eisenkot has a certain modesty and he knows what he doesn't know. And to compare him to the IDF commanders who were catapulted directly into the prime ministership. Yitzhak Rabin in 1974 in his first term, and then Ehud Barak in 1999. Neither Rabin nor Barak were people who really listened to advice. And Eisenhower, I think he's already listening. And you're right, you're right. Having Bennett as a strong number two, a very ambitious number two, but somebody with the experience that Eisenhower himself does not have bodes well. And Lapid as well, by the way. Let's not forget Yair Lapid.

[A]

And Avigdor Lieberman is hands down the smartest politician in Israel. It's like hands down, I don't like everything he stands for, but he's very thoughtful and realistic and he's very serious. Manly, perhaps. Okay, so here it is, you know, this upheaval. And I think the move to Eisenkot is a way of navigating this upheaval. So that's number two. Let's go to. It's like what feels like gut punches all the time. And that is this legislation blitz. Huge legislation blitz. There's tens of legislations that are being put forth of laws, but there are two directions. One serves the Haredi parties and one serves the Likud for the Haredi parties. Netanyahu has finally agreed to pass two laws. And they've already passed their first reading and they're moving forward. The first is a law that says that Torah study is a national virtue. It's a foundation of the State of Israel. And the reason for this law is so that if preferential treatment is given in issues of draft or financial allocation to Yeshiva students into Torah study, and the Supreme Court says, on the basis of what are you discriminating? The government could then answer, listen, there's a basic law of Israel stating that Torah study is a value. So we are just merely reflecting and representing this basic law. And in such a way a discrimination between Torah study and those who serve in the army becomes possible. It's interesting, there were some people who wanted to make a legislation to say that serving in the army is a natural virtue, because no one has ever said that. So here it is. It's this strange thing that you're placing Yeshiva students higher up in the hierarchy of values of this country than the people who are literally giving their lives and their financial well being for the future of the state. Netanyahu was willing to give them that. The second thing he's willing to give them is a law that will temporarily, either for 90 days, 180 days, or for a while, or until said otherwise, that will suspend the arresting of all draft dodgers amongst Yeshiva students, amongst those who are studying Torah, basically defanging the current legislative system, which wants to reinforce that if you've reached a certain age and you're not studying in Yeshiva, you have to go to the army, there'll be no ability. It'll be in theory alone, but you can't arrest them. And even more than that, the ultimate chutzpah. They're allowed to again have access to their passports to travel out of the country. Because, you know, it's like this is for the sake of Yeshiva study, because Yeshiva study period is coming to an end. And during what's known as the interim period, there's a three week period, they want to go travel. So here it is. We're studying Torah so that we can serve, but please allow us also to go on vacation. So These two legislations are being put forth. And this way the Haredi parties could finally say, look, I delivered for you. And it solidifies their relationship with the Likud as the only alternative for them. And in return, they're going to vote for something that the government wanted from the first day it came into power, but was never able to pass because the Haredim refused to vote on it because there wasn't a new draft legislation. But now they're willing to. This is the back and forth, and that is to split and to weaken the power of the Attorney general. And so this is what's being put just now, the first two laws. There are at least 20% of coalition voters who say that if these laws pass, we are considering not voting for the coalition. You have to realize Netanyahu went from 33 to 23, like, lost a third. He could go down from this to 18. Now. He's not crazy. So how do you understand this move?

[B]

Well, first, I want to ask you a more philosophical question before we get into the politics. You've devoted your life to teaching Torah. Where does this bill hit you? This is a bill that enshrines the centrality of Torah study for the Jewish people. Where does this hit you, Rabbi, I

[A]

can tell you how nauseous it makes me. Makes me physically ill. Physically ill. Like the modern state of Israel wants to now Declare there are 10 areas of knowledge that are of central value to the state of Israel. Great. I think that Torah study is important. I think humanities are important. I think sciences are important. I think languages and math. You ought to make a list. If the State of Israel for some reason wants to turn to the members of Knesset and say what intellectual disciplines are important to us, great. But that the state of Israel is now declaring Torah study as a core value of the country, as the only study discipline. It's the antithesis of Zionism. It's also not a real country. It's like, crazy. I love Israel because this is a real country. We have real things to do. You know, I don't need the country to tell me that Torah studies a value. I don't need that the values aren't dependent on the state. And of course, I don't want the state to say that Torah study is the only intellectual discipline. I feel like I'm in some bizarre twilight zone, I have to tell you. And it ultimately as well, because we all know that this legislation is not about teaching the significance of Torah. It's about telling you that Torah study is more important than all other Areas of knowledge that this country needs to develop in order to exist in the real world. And more important than service in the army is, which for me is just simply blasphemy.

[B]

Well, look, you know, Daniil, this is the antithesis of the Torah that I learned from your father and from you. That's really what this law embodies.

[A]

So why is he doing it? It's crazy. It's not popular. 62% of the coalition is for it, but that means he has 30 he can't afford to lose. Why is Netanyahu doing that? It's true. Weakening the attorney general is a value. His coalition wants that very dramatically. Does it make sense to you, Yossi? What do you think Netanyahu's doing?

[B]

I'm wondering if we've come to the moment in his career where we're asking the wrong question and that he's cornered, he's desperate, he's even lost Trump. That was his last, so to speak, trump card. What does he have to offer now? He has not moved from the lower 50s in the polls in almost three years. He's stuck. He's not going anywhere. So he's going to try different tricks. Maybe there'll be this party or a new satellite party. We're going to see an increasingly desperate Netanyahu thrashing out in all directions. And this is just a theory. I mean, maybe there is a political logic here. I can't see it. But the other piece of this, Daniil, is he has nowhere else to go. He has built his success on an alliance with the ultra Orthodox. That alliance is at once his greatest political asset and his greatest liability in the coming election. So what does he do with that? So he's stuck. He can't dismantle it. He's stuck with it. And so I'm very afraid of what Netanyahu is capable of in the coming months. And that ranges from politically disastrous moves to constitutional crises to the unthinkable. And I don't even want to raise that possibility, though people are raising it. Of Netanyahu launching some mini military adventure a week before the elections. Is that out of the question? I want to believe that it is, and I'll leave it at that.

[A]

I'm not as uplifted as I was beforehand, but I like your explanation that this is just incoherent. But let's add it to the fourth issue, the last issue that we want to deal with in this strange opening season of elections, and that is the Supreme Court. And I don't want to bore our Audience with the details. Suffice it to say this. The Supreme Court gave a ruling declaring that a certain committee which oversees non governmental funded broadcasting should continue to function the way they were. And the government wants to replace them. All of this is in 30 days, three months before the election. And the Supreme Court said, you can't replace them. For whatever reason, they gave a ruling, the Minister of Communications and Netanyahu and also the Justice Minister. We are going to ignore the explicit ruling of the Supreme Court. Now, for those of you who remember judicial reform, that feels like a lifetime ago. The most destructive dimension, potential dimension of judicial reform was what was known as the override clause, which is a clause that would have allowed a majority of members of Knesset to override any ruling of the Supreme Court. And since a government by definition has a majority in the Knesset, that means the government could vote to override anything that the Supreme Court says. And at that moment, Israel ceases to be a constitutional democracy. That is no rule of law. It becomes. There's no checks and balances on the government. This brought out millions. This together with who picks the Supreme Court justice. There were debates about everything, but everybody knew that the override clause was a step too far, that this was really. Once an override clause is allowed, there is no more democracy and a rule of law. It's a dictatorship of the majority. What's happening now is without passing an override clause, the government is essentially doing the same thing. I'm just not listening. I'm just not listening. That together with the attempt to weaken the status of the Attorney General, basically the government is declaring war against the Supreme Court and it wants to enter into our elections with a war against the Supreme Court. Because with a war against the Supreme Court, it designates the Supreme Court as that which is primarily responsible for all the ailments of the country. We could run on a beautiful clean slate without any responsibility and guilt. Because everything from October 7th and everything that's happened before and since is all the result of a deep state orchestrated by the Supreme Court. And so this is Netanyahu's move very much. This is the unthinkable. And so maybe he's willing to give to the ultra orthodox whatever they want so that he could rally his group into this conspiracy story. Because it then is a story in which the Likud is not culpable for anything. Imagine a party, after 16 years, being able to run as if they have no record or no record that you don't want to hold. No one at all. How do you See this constitutional or this war of the Likud against the supreme, this, this last stage that's now

[B]

emerging, I think this is another possible fatal political misstep. And Netanyahu will energize his base, but this will not draw a single wavering vote into the Likud orbit. If you were to stop almost any Israeli on the street today and say, what is this constitutional crisis about? I don't think people would be able to tell you. I'm not even sure what it's about. Something to do with the media. I'm so fed up. I just blanked it out. And I'm passionate about this issue. This is one of my central issues. And at this point I said, I just, this is one issue too far. I can't deal with this right now.

[A]

But for his base, his 20, yes, he is energizing. You're right. There's nobody, none of the new parties, by the way, even the right wing parties are going to support him, whether they're Likud based or none of them. But for his core, is he just now basically fighting to hold onto his base. But that's not going to let him win.

[B]

So he also doesn't need to hold on to his base. His base is rock solid. It survived October 7th. It survived the hostages, it survived the military failure, its failure to deliver what he called the total victory. It survived the collapse of the alliance with Trump. That base is not going anywhere. The question this election is, is Netanyahu capable of doing what he always managed to do in the past, which is to shift wavering voters, the soft right, back into his camp? This is not the issue. And so again, I question his judgment, frankly, I question his stability at this

[A]

point, getting to people and leaving Netanyahu aside. The soft right is going to have alternatives. They're not going back to Netanyahu. They're going to have at least two parties to go to, including the Handel Chopper Party. So them he's not going to get. I'm just wondering whether Netanyahu sees that even amongst his supporters, there are people who could leave. And the only thing he can rally them around is this conspiracy language, which none of the new right wing parties adopt. So, you know, see, you know, we're entering into a strange time, a crazy time. By next week, we'll know much more. And a lot of the things we said today will no longer be relevant. It's just that pace. Next week there might be something else. There might be round two, we don't know. But all of these together are creating a different environment in Israel. Some of them are hopeful and some are unbelievably partisan. And some are presenting a new horizon. Any last thoughts?

[B]

Yossi My takeaway from our conversation, Daniel, is there are lots of issues on the agenda. There's the ultra Orthodox and prioritizing those who serve in the army and weakening the ultra Orthodox state within a state. There's the issue of corruption and the rule of law. But I think that in some ways the overarching theme for many Israelis is chaos, upheaval versus stability. And Netanyahu used to be the candidate of stability and now he's become the candidate of chaos. And Eisenhower's appeal, I think it's contained in the name of his party, which is Yasha Straight. And that, I think doesn't only convey straight talk, which Eisenhower is a straight talker, but there's also something about the sense of steadiness. And if Eisenhower can hold on to that promise of steadiness, to embodying steadiness, I think he's going to continue to rise.

[A]

Yossi, thank you and it was a real pleasure, oh wonderful to talk this through with you. Have a great day, Yossi and to all of us, stay tuned as we begin to live in an insane, perpetually upheaval. Good luck to us all, my friends. Here are some other things that are happening at the Shalom Hartman Institute. The newest issue of Sources has launched online. This issue, covenant and Jewish in America, is part of the Hartman Beit Midrash for America at 250. It is a call to recommit to the American Project and to explore what American Judaism has to offer this moment. Read, share and subscribe at the link in the Show Notes. Did you miss our livestreamed programming from Jerusalem last week? Don't worry, you can Check out our YouTube channel for recordings of those sessions and more will be live streamed this week. Subscribe to our YouTube channel so that you don't miss a session.

[B]

For Heaven's Sake is a product of the Shalom Hartman Institute and ARC Media. It is produced by me, Daniel Goodman, with help from Miriam Jacobs, Adar Taylor Schechter and Aviva Katmanoor and studio support from Go Live Media. Our episode was edited by Seth Stein. Netel Friedman is our executive producer and our music was composed by Yuval Samo. Past episodes can be [e-mail] where you can explore more of Arc Media's podcasts. You can watch the video versions of our episodes on our YouTube channel. Follow the YouTube link in the Show Notes also to receive updates on new episodes, please follow the link to arcmedia.org and subscribe to Arc Media's weekly newsletter. For more ideas from the Shalom Hartman Institute, visit our [e-mail].