The Boston Police Strike

Summary

History Daily – "The Boston Police Strike"

Host: Lindsay Graham
Date: September 9, 2025

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Brief Overview

In this episode of History Daily, host Lindsay Graham transports listeners to the tumultuous night of September 9, 1919, when Boston’s police force walked off the job to demand fair pay and better working conditions. The episode explores the chaos that engulfed the city, the improvisational efforts to restore order, the political fallout, and how the Boston Police Strike became a landmark moment for US labor history and the rise of Calvin Coolidge.

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Key Discussion Points and Insights

The Catalyst: Working Conditions in 1919 Boston

[03:24 – 05:00]

• Boston’s police force suffered from poor pay despite rapidly rising costs of living.
  • Cost of living had risen 75% since 1913; police wages only 18%.
  • Grueling schedules: “They work 13 out of every 14 days, and even their rare days off often get canceled by last minute calls…”
• Officers paid for their own uniforms and worked in squalid station conditions (“…patrol stations are often infested with rats.”).
• John McInnis, patrolman and chair of the Police Relief Association, leads the push for unionization.
• Police Commissioner Edwin Upton Curtis repeatedly rebuffs demands, viewing unionization as insubordination.

A National Atmosphere of Labor Unrest

[05:00 – 06:06]

• The end of WWI brought surpluses of labor and a downturn in wages across industries (“…a glut of returning servicemen. As a result, wages fell and working conditions worsened. That sparked a series of strikes across America.”).
• Widespread strikes, including in New York, Seattle, and Boston, stoked public fears of socialism and revolution (“Sensationalist media reports have warned of a socialist revolution. And fears of a Bolshevik takeover like the one in Russia have taken hold among many Americans.”).
• Police union efforts are met with harsh reprisals from Curtis, who suspends ringleaders and bans police from joining unions.

The Strike Begins: September 9, 1919

[06:06 – 08:23]

• After Curtis suspends 19 more officers, union momentum crescendos—only two vote against striking.
• John McInnis announces the strike for the 6pm shift change, leaving all of Boston without its police force.

Restoring Order: The Harvard Regiment and Volunteers

[10:04 – 13:50]

• Harvard President Abbott Lawrence Lowell urgently assembles faculty and students to volunteer as peacekeepers (“…delivers a rallying cry. He calls on faculty and students alike to volunteer as a peacekeeping force.” [10:18])
• Over 400 Harvard staff and students join, later dubbed the “Harvard Regiment.”
• Volunteers are mostly symbolic but maintain order near Harvard; elsewhere, “panic takes hold” and violence spreads (“Elsewhere, panic takes hold as the city slides into chaos. Property is destroyed. In Roxbury. Armed rioters fill Scolly Square.”).
• The patchwork of special police, including business owners and veterans, proves inadequate. Some volunteers are beaten; violence escalates citywide.

Escalation and Arrival of State Guard

[13:50 – 17:28]

• Boston Mayor Andrew Peters overrules Commissioner Curtis, requests the Massachusetts State Guard.
• “Within hours, state troops flood the city, and Boston becomes a hive of military activity. State guardsmen set up a command post…and surround their position with machine guns.”
• State Guard imposes curfew, makes mass arrests, and ultimately disperses rioters with gunfire and swords.
• Governor Calvin Coolidge, previously uninvolved, seizes the moment—issuing a sharp declaration:
  • Quote [17:58]: “There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, anytime.” — Calvin Coolidge

Shifting Public Opinion and Aftermath

[17:58 – 19:00]

• Coolidge’s statement is widely publicized, shifting public sentiment against the strikers.
  • “Editorials praise the Governor’s resolve. Political allies rally behind him, and most importantly of all, public opinion turns in favor of the authorities.”
• Striking officers, isolated, finally offer to return. Curtis refuses, “builds a new police force from scratch”—ironically granting new hires many of the benefits strikers demanded, except for unionization.

Legacy and Political Impact

[19:00 – End]

• Coolidge is hailed a national hero (“Governor Coolidge is hailed as a hero. The following year, Coolidge is the Republican nominee for vice president. His name on the ticket helps win the general election. And then three years later…Coolidge becomes the 30th president of the United States.”).
• The strike sets off nationwide suspicion about unions and labor activism, helping to usher in stricter limits on organizing for public employees.

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• [00:00] — Opening vignette:
  “A 20 year old Harvard student discreetly sidesteps into a dimly lit alley, melting into the shadows as a group of raucous men heads his way…he also knows that he’s outnumbered…a fire bell rings somewhere in the distance. Then a crack of gunfire echoes off the brick buildings. The student glances at the fleeing vandals, then the baton in his hand, beginning to wonder, is he going to survive the night?”
  — Lindsay Graham, illustrating the immediate chaos gripping Boston

• [10:18] — Abbey Lawrence Lowell’s rally:
  “He calls on faculty and students alike to volunteer as a peacekeeping force. Otherwise, Boston may descend into lawlessness and lose. Even the university’s many historic buildings may be at risk.”

• [17:58] — Calvin Coolidge’s defining statement:
  “There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, anytime.”

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Timestamps for Important Segments

• [00:00] — Dramatic scene-setting: Harvard volunteer’s plunge into chaos
• [03:24] — Working conditions and the push to unionize
• [05:00] — Context of post-war labor unrest
• [06:06] — The police strike begins
• [10:04] — Harvard organizes volunteer force
• [13:50] — State Guard called in, military response
• [17:58] — Coolidge’s statement, public opinion shifts
• [19:00] — Strike collapses, Coolidge’s rise, and legacy

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Conclusion

This episode of History Daily vividly reconstructs the Boston Police Strike as both a gripping city crisis and a formative episode in American politics and labor relations. Through compelling vignettes and a brisk narrative, it reveals how a dispute over fair pay led to widespread disorder, forged new heroes and villains, and had reverberations that would shape labor law and presidential politics for decades. Lindsay Graham brings listeners to the heart of 1919 Boston, where “history is made every day.”

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For reference:

• Skip to [10:04] for the story of the volunteer Harvard Regiment
• Don’t miss Coolidge’s famous quote at [17:58]
• The fallout and long-term consequences are covered from [19:00] onward

Transcript

[A]

There are more ways than ever to listen to History Daily ad free. Listen with Wondry plus in the Wondery app as a member of Noiser plus at noiser.com or in Apple Podcasts. Or you can get all of History Daily plus other fantastic history [e-mail] it's just before midnight on September 9, 1919, in downtown Boston. A 20 year old Harvard student discreetly sidesteps into a dimly lit alley, melting into the shadows as a group of raucous men heads his way. On a normal night, the city center buzzes with college kids looking for a good time. But tonight, this young student is no reveler. It's his job to keep the peace. Earlier today, Boston's entire police force walked off the job, going on strike for fair pay and better working conditions. In response, there was a call for volunteers to help maintain order. And this Harvard student is one of the hundreds of classmates who've signed up. But now, alone and crouching in the dark, it hits the young student that he's hopelessly unprepared for the task. He peers around the corner. The men have stopped outside a storefront and one of them picks up a rock and hurls it through the glass. The student tightens his grip on the baton. He's been issued his only equipment. He knows he should intervene, but he also knows that he's outnumbered. Before he can work up the courage to emerge from his hiding place, the vandals scatter, laughing. Finally, the student takes a deep breath, steadies himself, steps out into the street, broken glass crackling under his feet. A fire bell rings somewhere in the distance. Then a crack of gunfire echoes off the brick buildings. The student glances at the fleeing vandals, then the baton in his hand, beginning to wonder, is he going to survive the night? Over the next few days, Boston will spiral out of control. Nine people will die as the streets become a playground for criminals, thugs and opportunists. The fate of thousands of citizens and the career of a future president will hinge on how the city responds to the crisis that engulfs Boston after the police walked off the job on September 9, 1919.

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Liberty Mutual Insurance Company and affiliates Excludes Massachusetts from noiser and airship. I'm Lindsey Graham and this is History. Daily history is made every day on this podcast. Every day we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world. Today is September 9, 1919 the Boston Police Strike it's summer 1919, in Boston, Massachusetts, two months before the city's police go on strike. 46 year old patrolman John McInnis slumps down into a rickety chair and smiles weakly as his wife serves dinner. As usual, he spent a long day on the streets and he's exhausted. But John knows he only has a few minutes to enjoy this home cooked meal before he has to leave again. As chairman of the Police Relief Association, John's not only a beat cop, he's also involved in the effort to improve working conditions for himself and his colleagues. And there's plenty that needs fixing. Recent economic upheaval in America has had a huge impact on Boston's police force. Since 1913, the cost of living has risen 75%, but police wages have gone up only 18%. They work 13 out of every 14 days, and even their rare days off often get canceled by last minute calls to cover a shift. Making matters worse, working conditions for police are grim, the hours are long and they must pay for their own uniforms. And patrol stations are often infested with rats. So John devours his dinner quickly and giving his wife a kiss on the cheek, he heads back out to lead another meeting of the Relief Association. As always, there's a single topic that dominates the discussion. Whether it's time to form a union. For the last four years, the association has pushed for fairer pay, fewer hours and better working conditions. But every effort has been ignored by Boston's Police Commissioner, Edwin Upton Curtis. Requests for even the most basic of improvements have gone unanswered, with Curtis dismissing the complaints as insubordination. So now Boston's police can see only one way to unionize. After a heated discussion and then a vote, the members of the Relief association agree to form an official union affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. As chair of the relief Association, John McInnes is the obvious choice for the union's first president, and he doesn't hesitate to accept. But the police are not alone in embracing unionism. In the wake of World War I, there was a sudden surplus of labor thanks to a glut of returning servicemen. As a result, wages fell and working conditions worsened. That sparked a series of strikes across America. Earlier this year, New York's harbor workers walked off the job soon after. Dressmakers followed suit. A general strike in Seattle shut down the entire City for five days. And closer to home, in Boston, more than 9,000 telephone operators went on strike for almost a week, only going back to work when they were promised a raise. Sensationalist media reports have warned of a socialist revolution. And fears of a Bolshevik takeover like the one in Russia have taken hold among many Americans. Among those who are most alarmed at the growing influence of unions is Police Commissioner Curtis. He doesn't like any union, let alone a police1. So McInnes new organization in Boston represents a direct challenge to Curtis's authority. He refuses to even recognize its existence. And when John McInnes and his fellow union leaders appeal the commissioner's decision, they're suspended from the force. Doubling down. Curtis then adds a new rule to the department's regulations, making it illegal for any police officer to belong to a union. As far as he's concerned, the wider interest of public safety overrides the right to collective bargaining. Then, in a move that triples down on his anti union stance, on September 8, 1919, he suspends 19 more officers for union activity. For the exasperated police, this is the final straw. That same night, the union members gather at a meeting room above a bar to debate whether to begin an organized strike. More than 1100 officers wait patiently for hours to cast their ballots. And when the result is announced at 8am the following morning, it's near unanimous only two cops have voted against the strike and the rest are in favor. The atmosphere is somber as Union President John McInnes declares that all Boston police officers will strike when the 6pm shift change takes place the following day. But that will leave the entire city of Boston without a police force. And unless someone else steps into the breach, the city will be left to fend for itself.

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It's 2pm on September 9, 1919, at Harvard University in Boston, Massachusetts. Five hours after the Boston police strike was announced, Harvard President Abbott Lawrence Lowell storms down a hallway, his polished shoes echoing off the marble floors. He stops at the door to his secretary's office and flings it open. The secretary looks up, startled, her face turning pale as she sees the fury in Lowell's eyes. Lowell growls that he's calling an emergency meeting of the university staff. Then he turns on his heels and marches straight to the faculty chamber. Only a few moments ago, Lowell was given a telegram bearing disturbing news. Boston's police have voted to strike, and all 1,000, 136 officers are walking off the job at 6pm tonight. But Lowell was born and raised in Boston, and he isn't prepared to see his city collapse into anarchy. At the emergency meeting he calls, Lowell delivers a rallying cry. He calls on faculty and students alike to volunteer as a peacekeeping force. Otherwise, Boston may descend into lawlessness and loose. Even the university's many historic buildings may be at risk. His message lands with a receptive audience. A recruiting post is set up in University Hall. Notices are posted on dormitory doors telling students to report for duty immediately. By the time the police strike begins, 250 students and 150 staff have signed up, and the evening papers dub them the Harvard Regiment Armed with nothing more than borrowed batons, these volunteers fan out into the streets. They're now Boston's only line of defense against civil unrest. Their presence is largely symbolic, but they reassure worried citizens and seem to deter at least some opportunistic violence. Boston is a big place, though, and the Harvard regiment is mostly restricted to the university district and surrounding suburbs. Elsewhere, panic takes hold as the city slides into chaos. Property is destroyed. In Roxbury. Armed rioters fill Scolly Square. The Harvard regiment cannot hold the line alone, so as disorder spreads, the students are joined by several other volunteer patrols, including groups of war veterans and local business owners. Commissioner Edwin Upton Curtis deputizes the volunteers as special police officers. But despite pleas from the mayor, Curtis refuses to call on the Massachusetts State Guard. He insists that his patchwork of volunteers can fill the void and that troops from outside the city are not needed. But it's soon apparent that the volunteer police force lacks the authority they need to do the job. Crowds jeer them. Some throw rocks. And in busier corners of the city, violence only escalates. Volunteers are cornered, beaten, and left bloodied in the street. Horrified by the backlash, Harvard President Lowell tries to calm the tensions on the street street. Denying that his university has become a training ground for strikebreakers, he issues a statement supporting the police and their demands for better paying conditions. And he reiterates that the volunteers are not there to undermine the strike. They are merely peacekeepers who serve only to protect life and property, not to take sides. But this attempt at reassurance fails, and the unrest rolls on, because even with new volunteers signing up, the special police are still too few the of in number to contain the crowds. By 8pm on the very first day of the strike, a mob of 10,000 protesters and rioters surges into Sculley Square, overwhelming the volunteers and forcing them to retreat. Looting runs unchecked all across downtown and in South Boston. So as dawn breaks on September 10, Boston Mayor Andrew Peters defies Police Commissioner Curtis and issues a press release suggesting that the city needs help from the Massachusetts State Guard. With the mayor publicly turning on him, Commissioner Curtis agrees to the request and summons state help. Within hours, state troops flood the city, and Boston becomes a hive of military activity. State guardsmen set up a command post at the Park Plaza Hotel and surround their position with machine guns. From another temporary base in Quincy Market, more guardsmen deploy out across the city. The State Guard then imposes a curfew, breaks up crowds, and makes mass arrests. But Sculley Square is still packed with rioters. Many flinging rocks at the guardsmen who approach. It's only when the State Guard opens fire and charges with drawn swords that the mob finally scatters. But observing this unrest from the State House, Massachusetts Governor Calvin Coolidge sees a political opportunity. Until now, Governor Coolidge has kept out of the fractious arguments, but between the police, the commissioner and Boston's mayor. But later this afternoon, Coolidge releases a statement reasserting his right to control the State Guard. And he claims credit for restoring order. With that move, Calvin Coolidge will enter the national spotlight. He'll turn the Boston police strike to his political advantage and ride the momentum it gives him all the way to the White House. It's September 12, 1919, at the Massachusetts State House in Boston, three days after the police strike began. 47 year old Calvin Coolidge, the Governor of Massachusetts, paces his office as he dictates a statement. When his secretary finishes punching it out on her typewriter, she pulls the paper from the carriage and hands it to him. Coolidge scans the sheet, pausing as his eyes land on the line that defines his stance. There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, anytime. For the last two days, Coolidge has held firm in this belief. He's left the State Guard in place and 5,000 soldiers are patrolling Boston's now mostly quiet streets. But the striking police officers are still referring to refusing to return to duty. The standoff has reached an impasse, and neither side appears willing to yield. So after finishing his message, Coolidge nods and hands the paper back to his secretary. Although it's addressed to the American Federation of Labor, the statement isn't really for them. It's intended for the people of Boston. And that evening, the city's papers run it in full. Editorials praise the Governor's resolve. Political allies rally behind him, and most importantly of all, public opinion turns in favor of the authorities. Bostonians are fed up with this continuing crisis. The striking police hold out for one more day. But with support evaporating, their cause collapses. And on September 13, union leaders signal that the striking police are ready to return to work. But Commissioner Edwin Upton Curtis refuses to take them back. Instead, he fires them up and builds a new police force from scratch. He fills his ranks with military veterans, granting them many of the benefits that the fired police officers wanted. Better pay, improved hours and safer conditions. But the ban on police being members of a union remains. As an uneasy peace slowly settles on Boston, Governor Coolidge is hailed as a hero. The following year, Coolidge is the Republican nominee for vice president. His name on the ticket helps win the general election. And then three years later, when President Warren Harding dies in office, Coolidge becomes the 30th president of the United States. But the political impact of the Boston police strike won't be limited to the rise of Calvin Coolidge. It will also spark a national debate over unions, labor rights and public order. Suspicion of union activists will grow. Fear of left wing ideologies will spread and all across the country it will become harder for for workers to organize for better pay and conditions. Dealing a blow to the very cause the police officers believed they were fighting when they began their strike in Boston on September 9, 1919. Next on History Daily September 10, 1608, John Smith is elected President of the troubled English colony of Jamestown, Virginia. Foreign Noiser and Airship this is History Daily Hosted, edited and executive produced by me, Lindsey Graham Audio editing by Mohammed Shazib Sound design by Gabriel Gould Supervising Sound designer Matthew Phillip Music by Throng this episode is written and researched by Olivia Jordan. Edited by Scott Reeves Managing Product producer, Emily Burke Executive producers are William Simpson for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.