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Greg Jackson (28:54)

Historians and economists will forever debate why this economic panic or this depression to again use President Herbert Hoover's new term still isn't self correcting by the start of 1931. But regardless of those debates, the fact is that productivity is down. For instance, the private sector spent about 33% less on construction over the past year, a difference of about $3 billion than it did in the year previous. Unemployment is creeping into the double digits. With the American people still looking to Bert that January, his new Secretary of Labor, William Doak, points the finger at foreigners. Bert gets on board. As the President will later state in his memoirs, he restricts immigration because directly or indirectly, all immigrants were a public charge at the moment. Either they themselves went on relief as soon as they landed, or if they did get jobs, they forced others onto relief. This deportation effort, soon dubbed repatriation, starts with the Department of Labor's Bureau of Immigration sending agents to work with local law enforcement in raids of city centers like La Placita in Los Angeles in February 1931, where more than 400 people are searched by agents looking for what the later government appointed Wickersham Commission will call, quote, supposed aliens without papers. Americans of both major parties find these rates disturbing. Pivoting from those bad optics, then, William Doak's agents go more low key, trying to incentivize those they approach to leave the country on their own. These tactics include denying food relief and medical care or providing a free train ticket out of the United States. In this way, thousands are deported, many of whom are native born US citizens going to countries where they have no homes or families. While various immigrant communities are affected, including Japanese and Chinese Americans. Repatriation primarily targets Mexican Americans, especially in Southern California, and will continue into the 1940s. Shortly after repatriation starts in March 1931, construction begins on the largest American public works project to date, a dam in the Colorado River's Black Canyon that will allocate water to several southwestern states and generate hydroelectricity. Now, not to take away from this nearly 50 million dollar dam, its 70 million dollar power plant and generators, or the ultimate employment of more than 20,000 men to build them. But we should note that this is not Burt directly responding to the ongoing depression. This project has roots going back to his days as Commerce Secretary and will continue well after he leaves the White House. Oh, and is it filled with drama. Yeah, we'll save this story for another day. And so, as the early months of 1931 pass, the American people increasingly want their talented president to take direct action. But Bert largely holds to his philosophical belief that the federal government should not do what the American people might do. Through volunteerism. In his mind, volunteerism is how he fed war ravaged Europe. It's how he's accomplished so many of the great deeds on his resume. And as for his power moves as head of the U.S. food Administration, well, that was different because the Great War was going on. Burt draws that distinction while speaking at Madison Square Garden, calling Woodrow Wilson's wartime presidency a centralized despotism while asserting that, quote, however justified in time of war, if continued in peacetime, it would destroy not only our American system, but with it our progress and freedom as well. Yes, Burt is sure that the American people can voluntarily uplift each other and thereby overcome this depression. They just need inspiration, a new narrative. And that's just what he plans to give the nation this Memorial day. It's about 10:30 in the morning, Saturday, May 30, 1931. Exiting their flower filled private car, the first couple, Herbert and Lou Hoover, wave to the crowd gathered around their motorcade escort in Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. What a crowd it is. Cars are backed up for miles. The Red Cross has stations set up ready to attend to any who succumb to the late morning's heat. There are after all, some 20,000 people here today. They've all come to this most famous and sacred of Revolutionary War winter camps for the same reason. To listen to Burt deliver a Memorial Day address. The first couple walks through a lane of soldier to soldier, Pennsylvania National Guardsmen all standing to quote the Philadelphia Inquirer. Rigid as carven statues, they form a path to the red, white and blue platform prepared for Byrd's speech. As the presidential couple proceeds through their well protected column, First Lady Lou Hoover finds herself returning the salutes from what the papers call her own troops, that is the Girl Scouts. Every time the first lady raises her hand to her black straw hat, she puts an ear to ear grin on the face of yet another young uniformed girl. The President ascends the platform. The crowd goes wild. As he does so, you can barely hear the 21 gun salute from 107th Field Artillery or the horns of the 108th Field Artillery Band taking the stand. Burt basks in the shadow of an ancient maple and looks at the sea of faces before him, including in the front row, Civil War veterans. I wonder if he notices the black Union soldier seated next to the 80 year old gray clad former Confederate. Well, with two microphones before him, one for the radio broadcast and one for for the talking motion picture of this event, Burt begins speaking. And it doesn't take long to see why the Great Depression president has chosen this sacred, hallowed ground. For today's remarks, this national shrine needs no description. The events enacted here require no recounting. To the American people. The very name Valley Forge swells within us a pride of nationality. These peaceful fields hold a glory peculiarly their own. The sufferings of Washington's army and that dreadful winter of privation have made this place famous among all men. It was not the glory of battle for which these fields are remembered. No great battle was fought here. A thousand other fields mark the courage, the glory, the valor, the skill, the martial triumph of our race. Yet it is a shrine to the themes of the spirit and of the soul. It was the transcendent fortitude and steadfastness of these men who, in adversity and in suffering, through the darkest hour of our history, held faithful to an ideal. Here men endured. That a nation might live this peculiar significance of Valley Forge in our American annals should strike us all with a special force. In this particular moment of our national life. The American people are going through through another Valley Forge at this time. To each and every one of us, it is an hour of unusual stress and trial. You have each one your special cause of anxiety. So too have I. The whole nation is beset with difficulties incident to a worldwide depression. Valley Forge meant such a challenge to steadfastness in times and terms of war. Our test is to meet this challenge in times. In terms of peace. We are enduring sufferings and we are assailed by temptations. We too are writing a new chapter in American history. If we weaken, as Washington did not, we shall be writing the introduction to the decline of American character and the fall of American institutions. If we are firm and farsighted, as were Washington and his men, we shall be writing the introduction to a yet more glorious epic in our nation's progress. God grant that we may prove worthy of George Washington and his men of Valley Forge. It's a touching speech. Unfortunately, these inspiring words can't stop Europe's economic meltdown, nor the ramifications it will bring to America's shores. Now, before I get into the specifics of European fiscal failures, let me remind you that Post World War I, America's financial system is much more enmeshed in Europe's economy than it was before. As we know from episode 147, 1919's Treaty of Versailles required Germany to pay astronomical reparations to Britain and France. Germany's new Weimar Republic answered by printing money to make payments, which caused hyperinflation. This was fixed, however, in 1924 by the Dawes Plan. We covered this in episode 156. But in short, then Vice President Charles Dawes plan created a triangular cash flow. The US loans Germany money, which enables Germany to make payments to Britain and France and that in turn helps Britain and France pay its war debts to the US well this plan was followed by another early in Herbert Hoover's presidency called the Young Plan. Led by Owen D. Young of General Electric, the Young Plan kept the same international cash flow while laying out a plan for Germany to make its last reparations payments in 1987 and floated the Weimar Republic another $300 million loan. All that to say the aftermath of World War I has a lot of money flowing between the U.S. germany, Britain and France. And this means that if one fails, it could have a disastrous domino effect. And with all of these nations apart from France feeling a financial pinch over the last year or so, it's less a question of if this happens than when. A little less than three weeks before Burt's Valley Forge speech. In other words, on May 11, 1931, the first international domino fell. Austria's Great bank, perhaps the biggest bank in central Europe, Credit Arnstadt, failed. Now Austria may not be a part of the Dawes or Young Plan trade triangle, but as a major trading partner with neighboring Germany and no stranger to trade with the US credit Arnstadt's closure contributes to more US banks failing. 167 fail that June alone and Germany seeing enough bank closures and destabilization for its president Paul von Hindenburg to fear a communist or fascist coup. Yikes. On June 5th, House of Morgan's senior partner Thomas W. Lamont calls President Herbert Hoover, suggesting a bank holiday on war debts and reparations. Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon hates the idea, but Bert's on board. On June 20, the President officially calls for this one year moratorium on war payments. Come July 6, all nations and parties required to agreed to it have. And the Hoover Moratorium as it's known, goes into effect. It really is a great idea, but it's too late. Later that same month, July 13, one of Germany's largest banks, the Dane bank, goes under. That's right, the second domino. Wall street panics. U.S. institutions are heavily invested in German securities. In fact, investors of the world over panic as their gaze shifts across the English Channel. After all, Germany and Britain are so enmeshed financially, what ramifications will this German failure have? In London? Not waiting to find out, investors start dumping the already troubled British pound sterling, sending the gold backed currency reeling. Between July 6 and July 30, the bank of England's gold fund falls from an equivalent of $807 million US to only 158 million. It's all too much. On September 21, Britain abandons the gold standard. 25 other nations follow suit. While John Maynard Keynes celebrates his and his fellow Britons quote, breaking of our gold fetters. Britain's relief is a third domino that slams into the United States. Why? Because the US Is still holding to the gold standard and to prevent its gold holdings from being drained internationally. In the wake of Britain's move, the Federal Reserve has to tighten credit. Now, tightening credit is the exact opposite of what a nation's central banking system should do in the midst of a depression. In the 21st century, most would call this throwing gasoline on a fire. But there's no way Bert, or indeed most experts in 1931, would risk a path that might take the United States off gold standard. Like Britain, protecting it is a given. So to that end, the Federal Reserve banks begin tightening credit by raising discount rates. The New York Fed's discount rate climbs from a historically low 1.5% in May to 3.5% by October. Britain's departure from the gold standard further convinces Bert that he can't keep cutting taxes and running deficits, both radical experiments that he's done over the protests of Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon. The President's sure that next year he has to balance the budget, and that means raising taxes again. Doing this during a depression might sound crazy to our 21st century ears, but that's not understood yet. Congress hardly flinches at the ask. Meanwhile, the President is still trying with his volunteerism policies. In August 1931, Bert reorganizes his earlier President's Emergency Committee for Employment into the President's Organization for Unemployment Relief. The intent is to remake this effectively toothless relief coordinating committee into one with more direct control. But newspapers across the country view this largely as just a name change, and, well, that's a fair assessment. In October, Bert announces the creation of a voluntary association of banks that, with a pool of $500 million, will serve as a lender of last resort to banks. A supplement to the Fed, if you will. Unfortunately, the banks involved are hyper conservative. With these funds, the NCC does, as historian William Lucktenberg puts it, and I quote, next to nothing. The 1930 drought, the Smoot Hawley Tariff, failing domestic banks, Bert's strong preference for volunteerism over direct federal assistance, the chain of international fiscal disasters, the rising of discount rates and taxes. Historians and economists will likely never stop debating the weight of each and how they did or didn't interact with each other to extend or exacerbate the financial woes first made palpable by 1929 stock market crash. But whatever the exact restaurant recipe is, it's a powerful cocktail, one that's knocking Prohibition, feigning Uncle Sam out and forcing even the famously well paying Henry Ford to cut wages by the end of 1931. 2,300 banks have failed that year alone, with over 8 million out of work. Unemployment is over 15%, and as more struggle to even put a roof over their heads, many Great War veterans aside, they've had enough.

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Greg Jackson (44:55)

I'M James McComb, reporting live from home in my bathrobe in slippers. Tonight we're talking Dunkin Poehler Peppermint Coffee. Gene's here with the latest. Gene, do you copy?

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Greg Jackson (45:19)

Entering 1932, President Herbert Hoover signed some milestone legislation, some of which show that the old man of volunteerism is learning some new tricks. Perhaps no piece of legislation more embodies that than the creation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation or the RFC that January. Effectively, the RFC gives loans to various financial institutions, including traditional banks, federal land banks, insurance firms, railroads, and more. As author Charles Rapalai puts it, the RFC represents a complete capitulation from Bert, who himself says of it, certainly the public will not blame the administration if, upon inability of private enterprise to save the situation, the government should do it. It must be humbling for Bert. And yet the RFC was his idea. Congress passes it with bipartisan support. In the months ahead, the RFC will expand its game, lending to state relief programs and public works projects as well. That will start with the passage of the Emergency Relief Construction Act. In February, Bert signs the Banking act of 1932, or the First Glass Steagall act, as it will come to be known. This expands the type of assets upon which Federal Reserve Banks may rely to make loans to its member banks, albeit at a higher interest rate, and allows reserve banks to use government securities, not just gold to issue federal reserve bank notes. That is cash money. So basically uncle sam sticking with his gold standard diet, but now has cheat day once a week. And as alluded to earlier, Burt signs his tax raising revenue act of 1932 that summer. But he also tries to help home ownership through the federal home loan bank act. It's a good call. The struggle to maintain or get a home is evident as the number of Americans counting themselves among the nation's hobo population rises. No one can say where the term originated, but hobos are very much a class and culture unto themselves. They're typically migrant workers, usually restless white males aged 20 to 50, who get around by riding the rails. While the glory days of hobo life are past, that era ran roughly from 1870 to 1920. The Great Depression is giving the life a resurgence. These days, hobos are often catching rail cars out west with hopes of finding work in mines, lumber camps, or harvesting fields. A willingness to work is important. To quote one unnamed hobo loafs and sits, tramps, loafs and walks. But a hobo moves and works, and he's clean. But a willingness to work doesn't mean the hobo won't, shall we say, been the rules. When needed, especially when work isn't to be found, they'll beg, borrow, or steal if required to make a mulligan stew. That's why hobo camps, or jungles, as they're also called, aren't popular with locals. Such jungles are popping up in city parks and vacant lots all over the country. But perhaps none are more noteworthy than the hobo camp at Chicago's grant park. Its occupants have a sincere humor. Their tents and scrap wood houses are set up like a city unto itself, with roads like easy street and hard times avenue. They even have their own unofficial mayor, Mr. Mike Donovan. And naturally, if you're going to have a mayor, the unofficial town should have a name. They call it by a new term that the democratic national committee's publicity pro, Charles Michelson, has coined for their campsite, hooverville. Oh, and does it catch on in the south? The tipton times reports that, quote, hobos in St. Louis created a new addition to that city known as hooverville. In Oregon, the klamath news tells its readers about hooverville, the hobo town beyond the viaduct, Close quote. Yes, a decade and change remains removed from the war years when to hooverize was a positive expression for saving and economizing. Charles michelson has successfully made Burt's last name a negative term for the shantytown so rapidly spreading across the country, but ubiquitous as these Hoovervilles are becoming, no camp of the downtrodden will gain more attention or reflect more poorly on the President than the one filled with Great War veterans and their families in Washington, D.C. now, I don't expect you to remember this. It was brief. But back in episode 156, I mentioned that in 1924, Congress overrode President Calvin Coolidge's veto to pass the World War Adjusted Compensation act, also known as the Bonus act, which promised Great War veterans, excluding most commissioned officers, a bonus for their time in the service. In short, it entitled doughboys serving between April 1917 and July 1919 to $1 per day of stateside service and $1.25 per day of overseas service, with the stipulation that the amount of the credit of a veteran who performed no overseas service shall not exceed $500 and the amount of the credit of a veteran who performed any overseas service shall not exceed $625. But payday wasn't immediate. It wasn't intended to come until 1945. No wonder some doughboys call it a tombstone bonus. And yes, if they've passed, their estate will get paid. That said, the Bonus act did allow the vets to take out loans against this promised payment starting in 1927. Well, as you can imagine, banks aren't terribly interested in giving such loans in 1932. And yet many of these veterans desperately need the money. At a meeting of the National Veterans association in Portland, Oregon, former Sgt. Walter Waters tells the assembled vets his story. He lost his job and still needs to provide for two children. He tells his fellow Doughboy vets that a letter writing campaign just won't cut it. It's high time for them to demand their bonus in person, to march like the soldiers they are to Washington, D.C. and demand their payments now when they need it most. Walter is so incensed, he says he'll lead the March himself. Soon, 300 vets are following him across the continent to the capital, traveling by hitchhiking thumb train or foot. It takes them about a month to get to D.C. and thousands of likewise frustrated veterans swell their ranks all along the way. Arriving in the nation's capital, the Doughboy veterans set up camps, and the best known is in the city's southeast area, called the Anacostia Flats. The vets named this one Camp Bartlett, in honor of the landowner allowing them to stay here. Now, you will be hard pressed to find anyone calling this camp a Hooverville, since its inhabitants are vets here for a specific Purpose as opposed to migrant working hobos or other classes of the homeless. But the site of these former doughboys tents and shacks close enough for some like the Miami News to describe Hoovervilles as quote, somewhat after the manner of the Anacostia settlement of the Bonus Army. But President Herbert Hoover isn't having it. Paying out these veterans will cost the already running a deficit federal government a fortune. That won't help balance the budget, which as we know Burt believes is what needs to happen for the nation to recover financially. With some of his closest advisors suggesting they meet the Bonus army with bayonets, Burt answers that would almost certainly end in bloodshed. Instead he sticks to his talking points, stating in a speech that the imperative moment has come when the increase in government expenditures must be avoided. Narrowly enough of Congress agrees. While the House votes in favor of the bonus bill's proposal to shell out $2.4 billion to the doughboys immediately, the Senate does not. It kills the bonus bill. On June 17, 1932, much of the Bonus Expeditionary Force, a name riffing off of these vets service in the American Expeditionary Force during the Great War, leaves at this point. But not all of them. After all, what's Congress compared to the horror of Belleau Wood, the Marne or the Meuse Argonne? These most insistent of former doughboys figure they've lost the battle but not the war. They declare that they're staying until payments come, even if that's in 1945. And that's when things escalate. In July, President Herbert Hoover says that the veterans have to go home, even if that's by Force. It's 4:10 in the afternoon, July 28, 1932. We're in the open green space of Washington D.C. ellipse just south of the White House where Army Chief of Staff General Douglas MacArthur is surveying a several hundred strong force from the US army now preparing to evict Bonus army vets. It's a tense situation. Just this morning the police shot and killed two while attempting to evict veterans from buildings along Pennsylvania Avenue. Now Doug is tasked with driving those former doughboys holding buildings north of the Anacostia river back to their more southern camp in the Anacostia Flats. With all that attention, Doug turns to Brigadier General Perry L. Miles, the direct commander of these forces. Perry addresses the officers. Gentlemen, the so called Bonus marchers are occupying certain government properties in Washington and are successfully resisting efforts by the police to evacuate them. This command has been called upon to clear those properties. You will use such force as is necessary to accomplish your mission. Tear gas will be used. Women and children who may be found in the affected area will be accorded every consideration and kindness. And with that, they prepare to move out. 20 minutes later, this force is moving down Pennsylvania Avenue. 200 carbine bearing cavalrymen ride at the front, their sabers drawn. Behind them roll the trucks carrying five tanks. These are followed by 400 infantry and finally two staff vehicles. Generals Douglas MacArthur and Perry Miles ride in one, while Major Dwight D. Eisenhower and Captain Thomas Jefferson Davis are in the other. As they move, locals wonder, is this a show of force alone, or do they mean business? Proceeding down Pennsylvania avenue to about 3rd street, the Army approaches several dilapidated, half standing three to four story buildings. A few shacks are here too. All of these will be raised in the near future, but right now they're filled with bonus army vets. Doug is shocked. He expected a small group them then, nope, there are thousands here. And worse is the complicated variety of people. As Captain H.W. blakely will later describe. The street is filled with, quote, a fantastic mixture of rioters, spectators, shoppers, streetcars, baby carriages, police, infantry and officers in civilian clothes. The force is ordered to halt. They fix bayonets. A veteran sees this and shouts at the soldiers, the last time I saw them bayonets, I was going through the marn. But none of the soldiers laugh. An officer at the center of Pennsylvania Avenue shouts into the shanty town, you got three minutes to clear out. Three minutes, I warn you. Soldiers start to put on their gas masks. Then a rock flies and that's it. Immediately, soldiers hurl gas grenades into the crowd of veterans. The troops then proceed to push the bonus marchers southward toward their main camp across the Anacostia River. But as they do, the wind ensures that innocent bystanders and spectators are soon exposed to the gas as well. Amid coughs, shouts and cries, most of the veterans run, but some stand their ground. They throw bricks and rocks at the soldiers, only to be met by cavalrymen who slap at them with the broadsides of their sabers. Gas mask wearing infantry continue to lob gas grenades almost carelessly as tanks roll forward and shacks are set ablaze. Major George S. Patton will later recall the sight. From atop his horse, bricks flew, sabers rose and fell with a comforting smack, and the mob ran. While the President gave the green light to evict these vets, this is not what he had in mind. Yet worse comes later that night as Douglas MacArthur pushes south of the Anacostia river and into the main bonus army camp. He does so while refusing to receive messengers from Secretary of War Patrick Hurley, trying to tell the General not to cross the bridge and drive south of the river. Doug does so anyway and over the protestations of Major Dwight D. Eisenhower. Instead, Doug insists that he must quell what he dubs an insurrection and heads south over the bridge. Writing about this later, Burt says that I did not wish them driven from their camps. Our military officers, however, having them on the move pushed them outside the District of Columbia. But neither Douglas MacArthur's assurances that his actions were composed completely necessary nor Bert Hoover's insistence that this was not his plan changed the fact that Washington DC's hospitals are filled with wounded veterans. While many newspapers are content with the response that communists had taken over the bonus march on the ground reporting isn't as kind. The Washington Daily News writes, quote, what a pitiful spectacle is that of the great American government, mightiest in the world, chasing unarmed men, women and children with army tanks. Close quote. Yeah, that hits hard. And it's going to hit Bert even harder politically. As Americans head to the ballot box this November, things really aren't looking good for Bert's reelection. The gross national product is down to 60 billion from 1931's 75 billion, which is already down from 1929's 105 billion. The Dow Jones industrial average has fallen from its pre crash record high at the start of Byrd's presidency. 381.2 all the way down to 41.2. Unemployment has surpassed 20% with over 12 million out of work, which is to say nothing of those who are employed but have seen their wages cut. It's hard to capture the prevailing sentiment better than the Miami News does. Two months before the election in a September 1932 article, and I quote, a chicken in every pot was the promise. Hooverville is the performance. Harsh criticism comes for Herbert Hoover both immediately and through the decades ahead. They include things like his almost endless faith in volunteerism, the Smoot Hawley tariff, his response to Britain leaving the gold standard with higher taxes and a drive to balance the budget, his handling of the bonus army, and of course his shy personality and support of prohibition didn't help. In fact, odd as it may seem to our 21st century ears so focused on the Great Depression, Prohibition costs Bert votes more than any other issue. Yet much of the criticism that will come after the fact forgets that up until 1932 the nation was largely with Bert. That the era's experts were just as baffled as anyone at this. Inexplicable depression. It may also be that for future Americans familiar with the successes of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's later New Deal, it's hard to see just how much Bert did push the boundaries and try new things. As historian David M. Kennedy so succinctly puts it, his Hoover's failure in the face of the Depression has obscured his achievement as an activist president who pointed the way to the New Deal. Hoover was no mossback conservative in the Harding Coolidge mold. Long sympathetic to the progressive wing of his party, he had supported labor, urged closer business government cooperation, established government control over the new technology of radio, and proposed a multi billion dollar federal public works fund to offset downswings in the business cycle. And indeed, while historian William Lichtenberg is quick to remind us that Bert was quite loath to give up on volunteerism and most certainly should not be seen as a fan of expanding government, it is true that Burr intervened in the economy to an unprecedented degree for a president up to his time, and that he planted some New Deal seeds. As Rex Tugwell of FDR's Brain Trust will say decades later. We didn't admit it at the time, but practically the whole New Deal was extrapolated from programs that Hoover started. So did Bert the great humanitarian, the master of emergencies, simply come up against a catastrophe that no one could have beaten? Was it just bad luck? Well, that'll be his take. But presidents don't have the luxury of excuses or even legitimate reasons. The nation judges by outcome. Period. And after winning the White House by a landslide in 1928, Bert loses it by a landslide in 1932. America now turns to a man who, as governor of New York, has proven a capable executive even even in the midst of the Great Depression. A man who exudes the kind of charisma and hope that a nation so desperately craves in these hard times. A man who offers a fresh face but a familiar name. Welcome to the story. President Elect Franklin Delano Roosevelt. History that Doesn't Suck is created and hosted by me, Greg Jackson. Episode researched and written by Greg Jackson and Will Bulldozer Keen Production by Airship Sound design by Molly Bach Theme music composed by Greg Jackson Arrangement and additional composition by Lindsey Graham of Airship for bibliography of all primary and secondary sources consulted in writing this episode, visit htdspodcast.com HTDS is supported by Premium Membership fans. You can join by clicking the link in the episode description My Gratitude to youo Kind Souls Print providing additional funding to help us keep going and a special thanks to our members whose monthly gift puts them at producer status. 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