Podcast
Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea
Hosted by Newsroom of the Korea JoongAng Daily · EN
Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea.
Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.
65episodes
Episodes
Newest firstAll episodes
Forget the Kospi and Gangnam home prices
Mar 500:05:20Tap to summarizeThe author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. "Will it really reach 5,000?" Around the time the ruling party formed a "Kospi 5000 Special Committee," shortly after the presidential election, a lawmaker on the committee reportedly asked a private-sector expert this question with visible skepticism. The target of 5,000 had been proposed in line with a campaign pledge by President Lee Jae Myung, but even some of those promoting it did not fully believe it would be realized. The expert responded with a polite remark: If one sets a bold goal, perhaps it might eventually be achieved, even if not during the current administration. For many in the market, the idea of a Kospi at 5,000 had long been considered a dream level. Neither lawmakers involved in the committee nor capital market specialists expected the target to be reached just seven months after the new government took office. The lawmaker later contacted the same expert again, this time asking whether the market was rising too quickly. Achieving the target earlier than expected was welcome, but there was also concern about whether the market could suddenly fall. The expert replied that such an index level could not be created simply because a government wanted it. This time, he said, the rise had been driven by corporate performance rather than policy. Indeed, the sudden surge toward 5,000 was largely powered by the semiconductor sector. Memory chip prices jumped amid rising demand from AI data centers, pushing expected earnings for Samsung Electronics and SK hynix sharply higher. Policy measures, including revisions to the Commercial Act, also played a role, though largely as a supporting factor. The problem came afterward. Within only a month the index surged past 6,000 as the market began showing signs of overheating. A wave of FOMO-driven money poured into stocks as investors feared being left behind during a booming market. Even analysts who had long criticized the undervaluation of Korean equities began warning that the pace of the rally was too rapid. Reports also circulated that borrowing to invest in stocks was increasing sharply. Yet authorities expressed little concern. Instead the surge was described positively as a "money move" from speculative real estate markets toward a more productive capital market. News that the National Pension Service would increase its allocation to domestic equities also circulated. The market may well have interpreted this as a signal to buy stocks even with borrowed funds. But when mountains grow high, valleys can run deep. After the United States launched a strike on Iran, the Kospi plunged 20 percent over two days. Compared to Japan, which faced similar economic conditions, the volatility appeared excessive. Analysts say the index had risen too quickly and that unstable funds, including borrowed money, had flowed heavily into the market, leaving it vulnerable to external shocks. Although the market rebounded sharply on Thursday, the roller-coaster movement has prompted some investors to ask whether it is really different from the cryptocurrency market. Stock indexes should be understood as results of policy, not as policy goals themselves. When economic fundamentals strengthen and corporate competitiveness improves, company earnings rise and stable capital flows into the stock market. Sustainable value growth cannot depend on short-term funds reacting to the fluctuating earnings of a small number of large companies. Seeking quick results rather than building economic strength can produce unwanted side effects. Relying on stimulants instead of improving fundamentals may offer temporary boosts but risks long-term instability. The confusion between policy goals and policy outcomes is also visible in real estate policy. When apartment prices in the Gangnam area began to decline, some government officials openly celebrated. One senior official reportedly remarked that the president had personally succeeded in bringing down...
Transcribe →
What a 17 percent approval rating means for the People Power Party
Mar 500:04:59Tap to summarizeThe author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. President Lee Jae Myung declined to exercise his veto against the so-called three judicial reform bills—introducing constitutional complaints against court rulings, creating the crime of distortion of law and expanding the number of Supreme Court justices—and instead approved them at a Cabinet meeting. Warnings from Chief Justice Jo Hee-de that the measures could directly harm citizens, along with criticism from former presidents of the Korean Bar Association who described the legislation as a fundamental blow to the judicial structure and the separation of powers, were ultimately set aside. Holding both executive and legislative power, the ruling bloc pushed the measures through despite objections from the judiciary and revised the framework of an 80-year-old judicial system in ways critics say favor those in power. That is precisely what many observers view as an infringement on the principle of separation of powers. Whether the intended beneficiary is President Lee or someone else does not change the underlying concern. Lee's swift decision may not be unrelated to the low approval ratings of the People Power Party, the main opposition force. A survey released in late February showed the party's support at 17 percent. The figure came from the National Barometer Survey conducted by Embrain Public, KStat Research, Korea Research and Hankook Research and released on Feb. 26. The number is even lower than the party's rating during the Dec. 3 martial law crisis in 2024, when its support stood at 26 percent. Song Eon-seog, floor leader of the People Power Party, condemned the passage of the judicial reform bills in the National Assembly and warned that "dictatorship has already begun." Whether the current administration should be described as authoritarian will likely depend on political affiliation. The more notable reality is that many polls show support for the Democratic Party roughly double that of the People Power Party, while approval ratings for President Lee's administration exceed 60 percent. Political parties do not operate solely according to polling numbers. Yet the fact that the People Power Party's support is far lower today than during the martial law crisis demands attention. The 17 percent figure likely reflects disappointment and anger among moderate conservatives and centrist voters who believe the party has failed, even after more than a year, to move beyond the legacy of martial law and the impeachment crisis that followed. Many people regarded the declaration of emergency martial law as the delusional decision of former President Yoon Suk Yeol alone. In fact 18 lawmakers from the People Power Party voted in the National Assembly to lift the martial law order and the party itself was not involved in planning it. A clean break with Yoon therefore seemed the natural next step. Instead party leader Jang Dong-hyeok refused to sever ties. Supporters who defended martial law and opposed Yoon's impeachment, sometimes described as the "Yoon Again" faction, soon gathered around the leadership. For many voters who had hoped the party would return to a more conventional conservative stance, that decision became the turning point that drove them away. Several developments in the party have puzzled observers. One concerns the leadership's reading of public sentiment. Jang reportedly told lawmakers that internal polling showed more than 70 percent of People Power Party supporters opposed the life sentence handed down to Yoon and urged the party to focus on consolidating its base. Elections, however, are not won with core supporters alone. Without support from centrist voters, victory becomes nearly impossible. Surveys suggest that among centrists 45 percent consider the life sentence too lenient while 31 percent view it as appropriate. Another poll found that 71 percent of centrists regard the Dec. 3 martial law declaration as an act of insurrection. Despi...
Transcribe →Potential U.S.-TSMC alliance to pile more pressure on Samsung Electronics
Feb 17, 2025Tap to summarizeThis article is by Yi Woo-lim, Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. TSMC's possible takeover of Intel's contract manufacturing business for chips is likely to strike deeply at Samsung Electronics' desperate efforts to secure Big Tech clients in the United States. The Donald Trump administration's "Made in America" initiative in the chip realm is expected to fortify the alliance between Taiwan and the United States, pressuring TSMC to salvage Intel's money-losing foundry business. The initiative would eventually aim for memory chip manufacturing on U.S. soil, according to industry experts, putting a dent in Korea's unrivaled leadership in memory chips. "The only manufacturing facilities the United States has for memory chips are Micron's," said Kim Yang-paeng, a senior researcher at the Korea Institute for Industrial Economics & Trade. "Asking Samsung to build memory chip facilities in the United States is an expected course of action." Officials from Trump's office recently met with TSMC to suggest that it acquire Intel's U.S. manufacturing facilities, to which the Taiwanese chipmaker showed a "receptive" attitude, according to Bloomberg last week. TSMC shareholders are apparently unhappy about the plan because salvaging the unit would cost money and stretch its workforce, and, most of all, pose a risk of a critical technology leak. The Taiwanese firm is an industry leader in the foundry business with a 64.9 percent market share as of the third quarter of last year. It also has an edge over Intel in advanced nodes, being able to manufacture 3-nanometer chips at a stable yield while that of Intel's hasn't reached that milestone yet. "The Trump administration could have been mulling tariff hikes or renegotiations for chip subsidies in order to pull this deal through," said Ahn Ki-hyun, executive vice president of the Korea Semiconductor Industry Association. "It is an unattractive deal for TSMC in terms of business perspective, but it would be hard to say no to it." Intel, which stands at the heart of U.S. chip competitiveness, re-entered the foundry business in 2021 under the leadership of the now-ousted Pat Gelsinger. Despite pouring a hefty sum of money into the chip manufacturing business, the unit ended up sitting on $7 billion operating loss in 2023, before floating plans to spin it off. It also laid off 15 percent of the workforce as a result. The deal could be beneficial in some aspects, depending on how it is structured. If TSMC purchases Intel's chip plants, it would be "TSMC seizing the hegemony, which couldn't be bad for TSMC," said senior researcher Kim. No matter how the deal turns out, however, the two countries' alliance would inevitably hurt Samsung Electronics. Samsung's share in the foundry business has been trending downward, with its grip falling into the single digits at 9.3 percent in the third quarter of last year, Trend Force data said. That is not even the bottom, however, with China's SMIC chasing closely as it is ramping up competitiveness in the manufacturing of legacy chips. SMIC held on to 6 percent of the market. "Securing Big Tech clients is crucial for foundry," said Prof. Lee Jong-hwan of system semiconductor engineering at Sangmyung University. "If the Intel-TSMC alliance absorbs the big U.S. clients, Samsung Electronics' chance of expanding its market share will become even slimmer." Samsung's mounting loss in foundry, speculated to be at 2 trillion won ($1.38 billion) last year, led to speculation that chief Lee Jae-yong would spin it off, but the tycoon dismissed the idea by saying it is still "hungry" for growth. The chip-manufacturing unit of Samsung has been struggling to secure U.S. clients despite building a $37 billion facility in Taylor, Texas. It delayed its manufacturing time period of it from 2024 to 2026.
Transcribe →
Korean automakers in the dark on mapless self-driving systems
Jan 4, 2025Tap to summarizeThis article is by Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice. Self-driving cars don't navigate the same way as humans do: Most of them, including Hyundai's, use high-tech and expensive sensors paired with accurate map data to steer themselves. But Tesla, with its vision-based autonomous driving technology, has been implementing a more human-like navigation system in its latest vehicles, removing the need for a map and sensors to achieve a cost-effective and possibly more powerful solution. Vision-based autonomous driving technology relies on cameras installed on vehicles to detect and interpret the surroundings, instead of relying on expensive components like ultrasonic and lidar sensors. Tesla's autonomous driving technology, including its supervised full-self-driving feature, also does not rely on high-definition maps. Korean automakers and tech firms have been focusing on map and sensor-based autonomous driving technologies, but they will soon have to decide if and how they will implement a vision-based self-driving system. The key advantage of Tesla's vision-based autonomous driving technology is that it relies less on maps, therefore cutting costs on drawing and maintaining a high-quality and highly updated map database. The technology also allows vehicles to better react in unexpected circumstances, including road construction, sudden environmental changes and unrecorded environments. Using a system that combines map data and lidar sensor data is prone to data conflicts, as the computer needs to potentially deal with two data sets saying different things. Tesla, confident in its choice, has been completely removing ultrasonic sensors on its Model 3 and Model Y vehicles since 2022. Chinese companies have also quickly joined the trend, with Huawei and Xpeng developing mapless, vision-only autonomous driving systems, while Li Auto is going for a method that combines map data with a vision-based approach. Hyundai Motor Group declined to comment on the automaker's progress on vision-based autonomous driving technology. Kia and Genesis had previously announced the production of the Highway Driving Pilot, a non-vision-based level 3 autonomous driving system that doesn't require the driver's attention in certain circumstances, only to cancel the rollout before the official launch. "Korea's vision-based autonomous driving technology is far behind that of Tesla," Prof. Park Chul-wan of Seojeong University's Department of Car Engineering told the Korea JoongAng Daily. The professor argued that Hyundai and other Korean car manufacturers would have to soon choose between developing vision-based technology from scratch or search for a partnership with Tesla or Nvidia. The government's privacy-related regulations may also pose a hurdle for camera-based technology, which is required to record and analyze all visual data it sees. Despite the Personal Information Protection Commission releasing an update to its policy allowing delivery robots and autonomous vehicles to utilize recorded videos for AI development, Prof. Park called for further deregulation. "I think mapless autonomous driving technology can be the future," Professor Park said. "If the technology is up to standards, it can react to changes in the environment much faster than the conventional technology; cameras are also far cheaper to replace than lidar sensors." "But Korean companies currently lag behind compared to the technologies in the United States and China, and we would have to act fast."
Transcribe →[WHY?] Why did Yoon declare martial law? Korea's political YouTubers might be to blame
Dec 27, 202400:10:58Tap to summarizeThis article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice. On Dec. 12, nine days after declaring - and retracting - emergency martial law, President Yoon Suk Yeol stood before a camera and made controversial and somewhat confusing statements to the public for nearly 30 minutes. He accused the opposing liberal Democratic Party (DP) of colluding with North Korea to shut down parliament and claimed that the April parliamentary election, where the opposition won the majority, was rigged. According to Yoon, there was no choice but to impose military rule and save Korea from "antistate forces." It was the first time many had heard such assertions. But for a handful of avid YouTube users, Yoon's words rang a clear bell. One month ago, far-right political YouTuber and popular pundit Ko Sung-kook uploaded videos that mirrored the president's televised public address, including the tone and rhetoric. "No one trusts the polls and the NEC [National Election Commission] anymore. They carry the votes around in a basket and are a severe threat to democracy. They should not be trusted," Ko is filmed telling his 1.1 million subscribers. Ko is just one in an ecosystem of right-wing political YouTubers who support their beliefs by stretching the truth and spreading unfounded ideas that extend to conspiracy theories. Ever since the now-impeached Yoon's botched martial law declaration on Dec. 3, the big question on the lips of many has been why - why did the president make such a shocking decision, an ultimate act of self-sabotage that is now driving his political career to the brink? Since then, a flood of findings and revelations have revealed that YouTube may be partly to blame. It also spotlights a political niche that is snowballing in defiance of a mainstream media that has repeatedly failed the public's trust. So, what do Korea's partisan political views look like on the world's largest video platform? And has this fringe media movement become a more formidable force in Korean society today? YouTube's influence on the president Three days after Dec. 3, a hearing at the National Assembly unveiled that 14 names had been assembled and relayed to the National Intelligence Service (NIS) to track down. It included Yoon's most vocal critics, and some, according to NIS First Deputy Director Hong Jang-won, were to be arrested under the president's direct orders. The list reportedly included politicians, like National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik and DP leader Lee Jae-myung, two ex-Supreme Court judges and one liberal YouTuber, Kim Ou-joon. Special forces dispatched to the National Assembly on the night of Dec. 3 were also seen in front of Kim's YouTube studio in Seodaemun District, western Seoul. Kim, who founded one of Korea's earliest political tabloids, The Ddanzzi, established his main YouTube channel, News Factory, in 2022. With 1.9 million subscribers as of Dec. 22, he runs an openly biased channel leaning left. Martial law soldiers were also sent to the NEC office, where they were ordered by Yoon and then-Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun to secure evidence of election fraud on the commission's servers, according to special forces members' testimonies. The NIS, which regularly runs inspections of the NEC, did not find any evidence supporting suspicions of a rigged general election during its security sweep last year, and it confirmed the facts again to parliament on Dec. 19. But it has been a consistent theory put out by the far-right YouTubers that elections have been faked and hacked by North Korea. Lawmaker Lee Hai-min, who worked in Google's IT department, said that YouTube's algorithm was to blame for Yoon's behavior. "Scrutinizing Yoon's public address, I learned that he was genuinely in agreement with the voting fraud rumors that some far-right YouTube channels claim to be true," she told the press on Dec. 13 at the National Assembly. "YouTube's algorithm has created confirmation bias and hysteria for our president." Partisan ...
Transcribe →Today's fortune: Dec. 28, 2024
Dec 27, 202400:06:34Tap to summarizeRead what today holds in store for you under the 12 signs of the zodiac, each represented by an animal. Our astrologer Cho Ku-moon explores saju (the four pillars of destiny) and geomancy for your prospects on wealth, health and love while offering advice on the direction of your luck and fortune. Check the year of your birth for today's prediction. Saturday, Dec. 28, 2024 (Nov. 28 on the lunar calendar) Rat Wealth: fair Health: good Love: joyful Lucky direction: south 1936: Expect compliments or acts of filial piety. 1948: Laughter and joy will fill your home. 1960: A delightful, refreshing day lies ahead. 1972: A fulfilling and meaningful day awaits. 1984: A cheerful expenditure may bring happiness. 1996: Dreams are meant to come true. Ox Wealth: fair Health: good Love: happy Lucky direction: west 1937: Your home radiates happiness and warmth. 1949: Today is the best day - enjoy it fully. 1961: Life feels rewarding and worthwhile. 1973: Achieve goals and savor the sense of accomplishment. 1985: Your life might overflow with happiness. 1997: Spend quality time with someone you care about. Tiger Wealth: spending Health: cautious Love: conflicted Lucky direction: north 1938: Children are yours only when they are in your arms. 1950: Avoid having unrealistic expectations of others. 1962: Do not act purely out of emotional attachment. 1974: Sometimes choosing a less ideal path is necessary. 1986: Silence is golden. 1998: Stay composed and avoid displaying immature behavior. Rabbit Wealth: average Health: average Love: generous Lucky direction: east 1939: Sometimes, what's good is simply good. 1951: Situations may feel similar but remain adaptable. 1963: Accept slight imperfections and move forward. 1975: Tackle household tasks as a family unit. 1987: Prioritize family over external obligations. 1999: Look for solutions close by rather than far away. Dragon Wealth: fair Health: good Love: joyful Lucky direction: south 1940: Things may progress smoothly as planned. 1952: Your day might overflow with laughter and joy. 1964: A small but pleasant expenditure is possible. 1976: You may feel physically tired but mentally fulfilled. 1988: Consider leisure activities or outings with family. 2000: A casual meetup with friends could be refreshing. Snake Wealth: excellent Health: strong Love: united Lucky direction: south 1941: Small efforts combine to create big results. 1953: Harmony in the family is the foundation of happiness. 1965: Collaboration in good deeds brings greater success. 1977: Everything around you feels perfectly aligned. 1989: Unite with loved ones through strong family bonds. 2001: Together, we achieve greatness. Horse Wealth: average Health: average Love: jealous Lucky direction: north 1942: Stay neutral and avoid favoritism or bias. 1954: Set aside prejudices or preferences. 1966: Busy lives attract challenges. 1978: Act discreetly and do not publicize your actions. 1990: Resist feelings of envy. 2002: Jealousy won't bring success. Sheep Wealth: fair Health: good Love: joyful Lucky direction: east 1943: Reflect on your past with pride and gratitude. 1955: You may play a pivotal role in household matters. 1967: Everything and everyone has their place and value. 1979: Mutual help is the essence of life. 1991: Achieve your goals and relish your achievements. 2003: Optimism about your career path brings hope. Monkey Wealth: spending Health: cautious Love: fleeting Lucky direction: north 1944: Let go of unnecessary burdens. 1956: Avoid being overly swayed by emotional attachments. 1968: Nothing in life is truly free. 1980: Balance cost-effectiveness with emotional value. 1992: Sweet temptations could have lasting consequences. 2004: Focus on skills and substance over appearances. Rooster Wealth: spending Health: cautious Love: passionate Lucky direction: northeast 1945: Choose neutrality in situations that don't concern you. 1957: Suppress dissatisfaction and maintain composure. 1969: Sometimes silence speaks lo...
Transcribe →New acting President Choi Sang-mok says gov't aims to 'maintain stability' in public address
Dec 27, 202400:02:01Tap to summarizeThis article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice. Acting President Choi Sang-mok promised that the government would work to "maintain stability" in his first public address following Prime Minister Han Duck-soo's impeachment on Friday. Choi succeeded Han as the country's head of government in his official capacity as deputy prime minister and head of the Ministry of Economy and Finance. The new acting president called "minimizing chaos" the government's greatest priority and vowed to maintain national security, economic stability and public safety despite the country's deepening political crisis and gridlock. Choi also apologized for the political turmoil that has ensued since President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment for declaring martial law on Dec. 3, saying he feels "a deep sense of responsibility for the current situation as a member of the Cabinet." Yoon's Cabinet ministers have faced criticism over the past several weeks for not doing enough to dissuade or prevent the president from issuing his short-lived decree. Choi and Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul are two ministers who told lawmakers they opposed Yoon at the Dec. 3 Cabinet meeting where he announced he would soon declare martial law. Choi further called on the country's civil servants and government officials to "carry out their duties faithfully to ensure the stable functioning of the state." The acting president also expressed confidence that the country would be able to surmount its current turmoil. It remains to be seen how Choi will handle relations with the National Assembly, which is controlled by the liberal Democratic Party (DP). DP floor leader Park Chan-dae on Friday called on Choi to quickly approve the legislature's three nominees to the nine-member Constitutional Court, which will decide whether to uphold or dismiss the parliamentary impeachment motion against Yoon. Han's decision to delay seating new justices led the DP to seek his impeachment on grounds that he had acquiesced to Yoon's martial law decree and obstructed legislation. Earlier Friday, Choi said he foresees the role of the acting president to be much "reduced" in light of the DP's demands, which also include special counsel probes into Yoon and first lady Kim Keon Hee.
Transcribe →Constitutional Court holds first hearing in President Yoon’s impeachment trial
Dec 27, 202400:04:14Tap to summarizeThis article is by Han Young-hye, Kim Min-young and read by an artificial voice. The Constitutional Court held its first preparatory hearing for President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial on Friday. The hearing took place at the court in Jongno District, central Seoul, and was led by justices Lee Mi-son and Cheong Hyung-sik, with Cheong serving as the lead judge responsible for organizing the case. Many citizens gathered in front of the Constitutional Court, holding placards expressing their support or opposition to the impeachment. Jung Chung-rae, chair of the National Assembly Legislation and Judiciary Committee and an impeachment prosecution commissioner, attended the hearing at 1:45 p.m. During the initial arguments, the National Assembly called for the "swift removal" of President Yoon. "The Dec. 3 Yoon Suk Yeol insurrection incident is not over yet," said Jung. "As a prosecution commissioner, I will do my utmost for his swift removal." "The people's demand is for Yoon Suk Yeol's immediate removal. We will ensure the forces of treason exit the stage of history," Jung added. When asked if the trial would address insurrection charges, Jung replied, "Of course it will." President Yoon's legal team arrived at the Constitutional Court around 2 p.m., just before the scheduled start of the hearing. Among the four representatives were lawyers Bae Bo-yoon and Bae Jin-han, both former Constitutional Research Officers, and Yoon Gap-geun, a lawyer and former chief High Prosecutor. President Yoon did not attend the hearing. Cheong asked President Yoon's representative, lawyer Bae, "Do you intend to challenge the legality of the impeachment request?" to which Bae responded affirmatively, stating, "We will submit specific details in our written response." This suggests that the president's legal team plans to question the legality of the National Assembly's impeachment motion after the initial motion on Dec. 7 failed to meet the required quorum. The team also contended that the Constitutional Court's delivery process of court notice documents was unlawful, with President Yoon refusing to accept notices since the impeachment. "There is an issue with the legality of the court's service process," said lawyer Yoon Gap-geun, adding that he "wanted to point out his issue" separate from "whether this cures the defect." Regarding the Dec. 3 declaration of martial law, President Yoon's team acknowledged basic facts, such as the martial law declaration and the issuance of proclamations. However, they indicated that they would provide clarification later concerning the process, the cabinet meeting minutes, and the specific content of the proclamations. The legal team requested additional time for preparation, saying, "Compared to the prosecutors, we have fewer attorneys and need sufficient time to prepare." They stressed, "This is not an attempt to delay, but a request to set the schedule considering our situation." Cheong responded, "The court will fully consider the respondent's requests while proceeding. However, you must cooperate. If there is unnecessary noncompliance, we will impose sanctions." The National Assembly's team announced plans to add further allegations to the impeachment charges, including claims that martial law forces confiscated the mobile phones of National Election Commission (NEC) officials. "The proceedings should adhere strictly to the impeachment resolution document," said President Yoon's team. After approximately 40 minutes of arguments, the court organized the issues, coordinated evidence lists and set the schedule for future proceedings. The next hearing was scheduled for Jan. 3, given the gravity of the case. Following the preparatory hearing, lawyer Yoon Gap-geun told reporters, "President Yoon will personally speak at the impeachment trial at an appropriate time." "Additional members will join soon, and we are close to finalizing the team," Yoon Gap-geun said, regarding the last-minute formation of the le...
Transcribe →Prime minister accepts impeachment decision to minimize 'chaos and uncertainty'
Dec 27, 202400:02:54Tap to summarizeThis article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo said that he would accept his suspension from office to minimize political turmoil after the National Assembly passed an impeachment motion against him on Friday. In a public statement, Han said he would abide by the legislature's decision "in order to not add to the chaos and uncertainty" of the country's fractious politics following President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment from office for briefly declaring martial law on Dec. 3. The National Assembly, which is controlled by the liberal Democratic Party (DP), impeached Han after he cited the lack of bipartisan consensus in his decision to delay appointing candidates nominated on Thursday by the legislature for the Constitutional Court, which will later decide Yoon's fate. The DP had urged him to appoint justices to fill three seats on the court's nine-member bench that are reserved for parliamentary nominees, while the conservative People Power Party has opposed the nominations on the grounds that only the elected president should appoint justices. Just before leaving the government complex in Jongno District, central Seoul, Han told officials and civil servants that "the government of the Republic of Korea must continue to function" and called on them "to take heart and work hard" in carrying out their duties, according to the prime minister's office. Though he signaled acceptance of his impeachment, Han defended his decision to both veto legislation and defer appointments to the Constitutional Court as keeping in line with precedents set by previous acting presidents. Han argued that appointing justices without an agreement between the major parties is a "totally different matter" from rejecting bills like former Prime Minister Koh Gun, who vetoed some legislation while serving as acting president in 2004. Repeating his earlier remark that "no justice in modern history has been appointed without bipartisan consensus," Han said appointments to the Constitutional Court "carry so much weight and responsibility" that he could not approve the nominations without the backing of both major parties. Han also argued that the acting president is charged by the Constitution to "concentrate on administering the state in a stable manner but refrain from exercising the president's unique rights and privileges." In this vein, former Prime Minister and acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn waited until the Constitutional Court had upheld then-President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in 2017 before appointing a new justice, according to Han. While acknowledging that the appointment of new justices is "an urgent matter," Han argued that approving the National Assembly's nominees without consensus would only deepen the country's partisan gridlock. He further called on the country's warring political factions to "value constitutional precedents" and "narrow their differences through dialogue." Han said it was "disappointing" that the DP had responded to his calls for a consensus on the court nominations by impeaching him, which he noted was the party's 29th impeachment motion against a Cabinet member since Yoon took office in May 2022. He also called on the Constitutional Court to issue a swift ruling regarding his own suspension from office.
Transcribe →Acting President Han is impeached as Korea's political crisis escalates
Dec 27, 202400:03:52Tap to summarizeThis article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice. Political turmoil in Korea deepened as the National Assembly passed an impeachment motion against acting President and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo on Friday afternoon, suspending the country's second head of government in less than two weeks. The move also marks the first time that an acting president has been suspended in modern Korean history. The impeachment motion against Han, which accused him of acquiescing to President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law on Dec. 3 and other allegations, was supported by 192 of 192 lawmakers present in the 300-member National Assembly, where the liberal Democratic Party (DP) holds 170 seats. Not one of the 108 lawmakers from the conservative People Power Party (PPP) participated in the vote on Friday. The DP-dominated legislature impeached Han over the pleas of Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok, who warned earlier the same day that the country's "economy and external credibility must not be destabilized again after it just found its footing under the acting president's governance." Choi is now the country's acting president following Han's suspension. Han, who took over the reins of government after President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached on Dec. 14, faced multiple warnings from the DP that he, too, could be impeached if he did not cooperate with the DP-controlled legislature. The DP said it would allow him to act as a caretaker to minimize government disruption, but only so long as he did not obstruct their legislative efforts. Under Han, however, the Cabinet repeatedly rejected or declined to consider several DP-backed bills, including legislation to establish special counsel probes into Yoon's martial law order and corruption allegations against first lady Kim Keon Hee. Han attributed his reluctance to pass the legislation to the lack of bipartisan consensus. The DP's patience with Han appears to have been finally exhausted by his announcement on Thursday that he would delay appointing the National Assembly's nominees for the Constitutional Court, which will decide Yoon's fate in the coming months. Three seats on the court's nine-member bench that are reserved for parliamentary nominees have been vacant since Oct. 17 due to gridlock between the DP and PPP. Han cited the lack of bipartisan consensus in his decision to hold off on appointing the three nominees who were officially forwarded for his approval on Thursday. The PPP has argued that only the elected president should appoint justices to the Constitutional Court. After National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik said the impeachment motion against Han could pass with support from only 151 lawmakers, his podium was surrounded by angry lawmakers from the conservative People Power Party (PPP), who called his decision an "abuse of authority" before walking out of the chamber. While presidential impeachment requires the backing of two-thirds of lawmakers, a simple majority suffices to suspend Cabinet members. The PPP argued that the higher standard should apply to an impeachment motion against an acting president, but that claim was called a misinterpretation by constitutional scholar Kim Ha-yeol in an interview with the JoongAng Ilbo on Thursday. "If the acting president is impeached on account of their conduct as prime minister, the standard for impeaching Cabinet members applies, but the standard for presidential impeachment should apply if the cause for suspension arises during their tenure as acting president," he said. Both the DP and PPP have relied on Kim's 2015 work, "Annotation of the Constitutional Court Act," to advance clashing claims about how many lawmakers are required to impeach an acting president, though his book does not represent an official stance by the court. The DP's impeachment motion against Han cites multiple allegations against him stemming from both his time as Yoon's prime minister and as acting presid...
Transcribe →