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A
Welcome to another episode of Mixed Signals from Semaphore where we are talking to all the most interesting people shaping our new media age. I'm Max Tawney. I'm a media editor here at Semaphore, and with me, as always, is our editor in chief, Ben Smith. How's it going, Ben?
B
Good. Excited to be here this week.
A
You know, I'm excited too, because I've been spending the entire weekend binging the new documentary by our guest this week, which is the documentarian Ken Burns, who has a new series out about the American Revolution. We'll ask him about his career, the historical parallels between this moment and the beginning of America, his reaction to the Trump administration and congressional Republicans decision to rescind funding for pbs, and why he doesn't think that the Internet is actually ruining our attention. Sp.
B
Yeah, I mean, this is a 12 hour bet that it is not.
A
That's true. I guess Ken's work actually kind of proves that. But anyway, we'll ask him about that and a lot more right after this.
B
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A
So, Ben, are you a history buff? Are you like taking, you know, the best new nonfiction to the beach or upstate when you're taking some time off?
B
Yeah, I'm honestly kind of a news guy who reads fiction.
A
Oh, interesting. I kind of would have assumed that you were like a guy who knows a lot about World War II or.
B
Something like that, who thinks about the Roman Empire all the time? No.
A
Yes, the Roman Empire.
B
I prefer to be surprised by history.
A
Well, you have, I think, the opposite ethos of our guest this week, which is Ken Burns. Ken, I think famously believes that we can maybe learn a thing or two about our present by being students of history. Actually, you know, being in the media, maybe it's better to not share that viewpoint because then everything is new and interesting and exciting and has never happened before, which I don't think is a viewpoint that Ken has.
B
No, I mean, and honestly, to the degree I know anything about history or grew up knowing much, a lot of it is from his films. You know, The Civil War, the 1990 epic, I think, shaped how my whole generation, how lots of people understand that conflict, you know, and he's just made this series of films taking on huge American subjects. Baseball, jazz, prohibition and the Vietnam War in 2017, which really was, I don't know, maybe it was almost. It had just finally been lost, that people could really step back and consider it as a whole. But just a stunning piece of work.
A
Yeah, it was really unbelievable series, actually. I didn't grow up watching Ken Burns, but I did watch Vietnam and I think that prompted me to down a bunch of those series. I think I did jazz and prohibition afterwards. I don't have the stomach for baseball. It's just not for me, unfortunately. But, you know, I'm really excited and interested to talk to Ken for a few different reasons. One, obviously, Ken has done all of his work since the 80s with PBS, which has just gone through this actual real historic moment of being defunded, having its funding clawed back by Congressional Republicans and the Trump administration. I'm really curious to get his reaction to that and how that's going to impact projects that he currently has in the works. And also, you know, I'm. I want to step back with him and think about where he sees his work in this short form media moment in which everybody is obsessed with short form videos and things of that nature. How he feels like a, you know, six part 12 hour series on the American Revolution fits into a media environment like that.
B
Yeah, he is really profoundly going against the trends from both obviously and yes, in the 12 hour, but also at a moment when history itself is. You basically have the Trump administration demanding patriotic history, a kind of radical left looking for this sort of very dark revision of American history. And I think, you know, doing neither. He's telling stories.
A
Well, Ken is waiting for us, so why don't we bring him in right now to talk about it.
B
Thank you so much for joining us, Ken.
C
My pleasure. Thanks for having me.
B
You've been making historical films longer than I've been watching them, starting with the Brooklyn Bridge in 1981, baseball, the civil War, Vietnam. I think I and many others assume many, many hours of this stuff. But. And I guess it occurred to me to wonder what, why it took you this long to kind of get back to the beginning.
C
Well, I think it's a combination of things, Ben. A lot of it is just chops. You know, there's no photographs or newsreel of the American Revolution. It's sort of encrusted with the barnacles of sentimentality and nostalgia. It's kind of drowning in playfindrum treacle. And I don't choose the subjects with any kind of, you know, focus group attention. I'm drawn to one thing. I chose the Civil War because it had somehow influenced the six previous films that I'd done before in just fundamental ways. You went, wow, this is the most important event once the United States has started. And then after that, somehow we got to World War II. And before World War II, the ink was dry on that. It was Vietnam. And literally when the ink was drying on Vietnam In December of 2015, I just looked and said, we've gotta do revolution. But it was more this intimate thing. I was looking at it a map that we'd done a kind of 3D map of the Adrang Valley in the central highlands and sort of moving in on American and Viet Cong and North Vietnamese positions. And I went, whoa, this could be the British moving west over the Gowanus Heights towards Brooklyn Heights. It was not thought out in that sense. It was felt and I just had to do it. So there was no. I mean, I'm happy to say that there's no real rhyme, but I'm very thrilled retrospectively to say I'm glad that I had all the other films under my belt, that the scholarship has just been first rate over the last 30 years. And so 30, 40 years, and we could avail ourselves of new questions about how we understand this hugely important founding moment. So it couldn't be better timing. And it turns out it couldn't be better timing.
B
You know, you've kind of developed this style that I think people recognize of using stills, making stills feel like they're moving. As you said, no stills of the American Revolution. And you used reenactors, which when you mentioned sort of like treacle y fife and drum stuff, that's what comes to my mind. And I'm curious what you found working with this kind of, like, uniquely strange American subculture of people who reenact Revolutionary War battles.
C
I think that's a kind of cliche. They're really dedicated. I think they're wearing the underwear. That's correct. They work really hard, whether they're dressed in French uniforms or Native American uniforms, or they're black regiments or they're Continentals or their militias or they're British or they're hessian. And we weren't interested in having them recreate a thing we collected over six or seven years, them doing their stuff. And so we were not interested in faces, but into movements and the Kind of tells in an intimate way, kind of God is in detail way that would reveal the war and provide evocative stuff in the way that a motion picture would be able to do. And we still treat the drawings and the paintings as if they're live and the live as if they're paintings, which we've always done. In this case, we don't have a photographic record, but I've been now out on the road with this thing for seven or eight months, and the response has been really terrific. And people are riveted by a combination. You know, you see a volley of British muskets go off, and then it cuts to a painting where there's a volley of British muskets going off and pan through the painting. And the combination of all of that and a complex sound effects track. And it's the same thing, all of them. It's the same process as you just want to wake that moment up. And how you do it just depends on the resources and degrees of creativity that you do. So the degree of difficulty is higher here, but I don't want to pay any attention to that. The whole point is to tell a story. And that was true back with my first film, Brooklyn Bridge. And it's true today with the American Revolution. And what you want is what we found people saying everywhere. I had no idea, because that was my experience. I didn't go in to tell you what I knew about the American Revolution. I went in to discover it, and every day was like, whoa, I had no idea. And now we're finding that in audiences all around the country, from Seattle to Atlanta, from Austin, Texas to Boston. So that's exciting to me. Not just people who might have a vested interest in the thirteen Colonies, former colonies, but Americans who ought to, and particularly now, be intensely curious about their founding moments, the ideals, the ultimate questions. You know, which side would you have been on? Make the Loyalists. It's a civil war. Like, more than a civil war than our civil war is. And we don't make the Loyalists bad guys. We just make them people we call balls and strikes. And so it really raises the question, what would I be had I been there? Would I have been willing to die for a cause? Would I have been willing to kill someone else for a cause?
A
Yeah, it really is so fascinating. And that's one of the many revelations in your documentary that I thought was quite striking, was the strong contingent of Loyalists. That's just not something that you learned in Southern California Heights school when I was taking US History. But I'm really curious. You know, you talk a lot in the documentary about the role of newspapers and how essential the media and the press was. I'm really curious how you felt that the media of the Revolutionary War era compared to the media of today. And if you saw any parallels.
C
Oh, of course. I mean, you know, Mark Twain is supposed to have said, history doesn't repeat itself. And of course, he's right. No event has happened twice, but it rhymes. So I've never worked on a film where it hasn't been rhyming spectacularly in the present, because human nature doesn't change. That's the key. And so you can find unscrupulous newspaper people. Samuel Adams, who's a failure as a brewer, he says his job is to keep his fellow colonists alive to their grievances. So when the British retreat on something and the Sons of Liberty disband and everybody's sort of going back, phew, we dodged that bullet. He goes, no, you haven't. It's gonna get worse and worse and worse. You'll see. You'll see. And in fact, one of the causes of the war, besides the specific things, that you can get an A on the test if I tell you what they are from this thing and that thing and the Boston Tea Party and Lexington Green and taxes and representation and taking Native American land, all of those things are right. But it's also escalating rhetoric. The more you tell the Crown it's tyrannical. The more tyrannical they act, the more you tell the colonists how radical they are, the more radical they act. And as you're saying, and as you weren't taught, this is a civil war. And it's not only a civil war, it's a global war. And we don't like to say that, wait, our independence has come. You know, it was us, everybody in the thirteen colonies against Britain across the sea that didn't understand us. And in the meantime, we're gonna create this new form of government that's better than any other. That's true. That's what happened. But it was a global war. We don't do it without French and Spanish and even Dutch help. And it took a while to get that support. And it's a civil war. There's some battles, and there's one in North Carolina called Kingsmount, in which the Loyalists are led by a British officer, a Scots named Ferguson, who's killed in the battle. Everyone else who's killed in the battle on either side is an American. Every single one. It's Americans killing Americans. And there's guerrilla warfare, really down and dirty terroristic stuff in which there are loyalist bands that are terrorist organizations killing patriots and vice versa. And Benjamin Franklin's own son William was the royal governor of New Jersey. Deposed, sent to prison in Connecticut, finally let go, presuming that he would go to England and he didn't. He started a terrorist organization hunting down patriots. This is pretty. I mean, I hate to say it, it's cool because it sounds so familiar. So with regard to media, you have people that are satirists, right, who get into big trouble. Sound familiar? There are people that are unbelievably poetic in their writing and there are people that are just throwing stuff off. Lies are passed around. There's a ger. Wife of a German general who's delayed coming over to join her husband in what she thinks will be the triumph for Burgoyne's army at Saratoga. It's a defeat. And that's what brings the French in. She doesn't know that she's waited for the third of three daughters to be born, finally makes a treacherous crossing. She's very anxious because she hears that Americans eat cats.
A
That's interesting. I've heard that one before.
C
There is a failed invasion of Canada. We wanted to make Canada the 14th state. There's a. A continent wide pandemic and huge arguments over inoculation and their efficacy. Wow, there's a total eclipse. Do I need to go on?
B
Yeah. Wow. We haven't gotten anywhere. Another source of real domestic conflict right now. And I think always are these wars over history itself. And I mean, I think, you know, in the Vietnam doc, you obviously stepped into the most contested piece of modern history. But the founding also obviously very contested. You know, the New York Times angered a lot of people with this package suggesting that 1619, when the first slave arrived, was America's true founding. You have a 1776 Commission established to I think basically reverse that idea by Trump. And there's pressure from the federal government to take stuff that's sort of too negative, that's seen as anti American out of federally funded museums. Where do you land this documentary in that very intense dispute about American history?
C
We're on the side of it. We don't care about it. I mean, there's always theories of history and they don't mean anything. None of them left, right or center. They don't mean anything. It's called, you know, the big fat, you know, $2 word is called historiography. There's lots of interpretations, but if you call balls and strikes. This is already an amazing story. You don't have to do anything. You can talk about one of the key figures of the 1619 understanding, which is Lord Dunmore, a deposed royal governor of Virginia, who decides to free only those not his own, not the slave enslaved people of Loyalists, but enslaved people of rebels, as the British uniform called us. So it's just, you just, you call balls and strikes and that's all you do. You don't sort of superimpose an interpretation on the history. You just tell what happened. Babe Ruth comes up only once every nine times at bat. He strikes out a lot. He also hits a lot of home runs.
B
I feel like various, like, I don't know how widely listened to we are in history departments. They're all tearing their hair out right now, as you say, this balls and strikes thing. But to put it a little differently, I think the Trump administration, a lot of conservatives, see history as almost an instructional tool. We need to have this usable past full of heroes whom we can emulate and learn from. There's a strong strain on the left, which is we have to stare at our own sins and learn from them in American history. And it's full of these horrors that America committed and have been covered up. Do you see yourself doing either of those or do you not care?
C
Yeah, both. I mean, do you just want to tell ball, I'm sorry, balls and strikes, is it. Does that mean that Babe Ruth strikes out? Are there horrible things? Yes. Does that mean he hits home run? They're wonderful things, yes. Does that mean him coming up only once at every nine times at bat mean that there are other people involved, a kind of bottom up middle, you know, infielder who's, you know, hitting a buck 75 maybe up at the critical moment of a game? These are the untold stories of these things. Yeah, this is it. But the problem only comes when you say that's the only version that there is. If you call balls and strikes, then it isn't a highlight game, nor is it this involvement of just sins. It's a complicated story that's both inspiring and at times disappointing and exalting and real and sad because you lose people and sad because it's violent and happy because some of the best ideas in the history of humankind came out of this. I can't think of an event since the birth of Christ that's more important than the American Revolution. Please tell me. I'm happy to engage in a conversation about it, but, you know, before the Revolution, everybody on earth was a subject. And afterwards there were people clinging to the eastern seaboard of the United States who were citizens. That's brand new and a big effing deal that has for 249 years worked really well with lots of people left out and lots of people added on. And so it's not Pollyanna ish, it's not morning again in America. It's just complicated story of who we've been and that's all I've done.
A
Well, we have a lot more that we want to ask, Ken, but we need to take a short break. So we'll be right back right after this.
B
This week on our branded segment from Think with Google, I spoke with Google's VP of marketing, Josh Spanier, about 25 years of digital advertising and what he sees for the next 25. Josh, I recently saw that Google Ads is celebrating 25 years, a pretty remarkable milestone if you can kind of summarize it. What has 25 years of digital advertising meant for this industry?
D
So fun fact then. The very first Advertiser on Google 25 years ago was a company that shipped mail order lobsters. Now I can't speak to if lobsters was super significant, but I can speak to the unbelievable equalization that the Internet has created. Every company, every SMB, every small and medium business has been able to find its niche, find its audience. Powered by the transformative power of Google search and of YouTube to get messages out there which are relevant and resonant for us marketers. It's been an incredible journey. We have lived through the transformations from the very first Google Ads, through the Programmatic era, into the mobile era and now the AI era. Along the way, the technology, the targeting, the insight has got better and better and richer thanks to Google's technology investments, which actually makes marketing work harder, which is great for everyone.
B
And somewhere in there, YouTube becomes part of the package.
D
YouTube's just such a remarkable platform as you've spoken about. What blows my mind, in the last four years, YouTube has paid out $100 billion to creators on the platform. The platform has enabled new creativities, new ways of working, and it's been because of the way the ad system has worked for the last 25 years and continues to build.
B
If you feel like making some predictions, what does the next 25 years of marketing look like? Or perhaps, perhaps a slightly shorter horizon.
D
I'm really excited about the future of marketing for all of us. The technology is getting better, people are more savvy using it, but ultimately a great ad is just an answer. To a question that someone has. As long as humans are inquisitive and interested in wanting to solve problems in their lives or find solutions to things they want to do, there's going to be a role for great marketing, for great advertising, and great ad ads along the way.
B
And where should people go to learn more?
D
Head over to thinkwithgoogle.com there's some great content celebrating 25 years of Google Ads and all the great marketing technologies you can use to drive your business outcomes.
B
Thanks, Josh.
D
Thanks, Ben.
A
I'm curious, you know, throughout the course of your career, I imagine, you know, you have people coming up to you, fans, friends, maybe people who've participated in history who are like, oh, you know, Ken, you've gotta do XYZ thing. How do you navigate kind of people pushing you, trying to get you to focus on, you know, one certain area or topic or moment from history or the other.
C
I'm Yuzi and am working on three or four films at once and they extend six or seven years. And so when people tell me they know what my next film should be, I go, yeah, I know what my next film is going to be. And we're halfway through it or 3/4 of the way through it. People ask me all the time. It's sort of an interesting barometer. After a while I started making counts of it and you know, railroads is number one and labor is number two and education is number three. And then my great great grandfather, who didn't do anything in the Civil War but was happily safe in Maine, wrote a three volume memoir which I'm sure you'll want to make into a major series. Basically it's, you know, the glib answer is that they choose me because it's not rational, it's what, you know, there's lots of ideas, there's 50 ideas. And when something drops down to your heart, or maybe your gut is the better way to say it, then you sort of commit to. And I've had people whisper stuff into me. I had a guy once tell me that I should do something on Huey Long. And I said, no, no, no, you do it, blah blah, blah. And finally I started getting involved in some of the footage of Huey Long. And I said, yeah, and I'll do it, but you're not gonna like it. Cause I'm gonna do it and you can't be the boss. And he. And it went fine. My country music series. A friend of mine in Texas, I was staying at his house, we were raising money for the films and he said you know, you ever thought about country music? And at that moment every fiber of my being said country music. And I went back to my producing partner, Dayton Duncan. He and I were thrashing about with another idea which he and I claim not to remember what it was. But I said, we won't leave this other one, I promise. But what about country? And from then on, we forgot the other one. We just worked on country for six or seven years, whatever took to make that. And all of the. Because it's pbs, all of the films get to take the time. I mean, I could go to any streaming service or premium cable and get everything I need for a film except the time to do it. So the Vietnam series that I mentioned took 10 and a half years to make and it cost $30 million. I spent 10 of those 10 and a half years raising that money. I could have gone into a meeting and in one pitch gotten the 30 million, but I would have never gotten 10 and a half years. I would have gotten a year, year and a half. And I couldn't make the film. I couldn't be the kind of film it is. It came out in the fall of 17 and it is still eight years later, probably even within the scholarly world, the one stop shopping for the most recent scholarship across 23 or 25 different disciplines of the study of the Vietnam War. And I'm proud of that. We're not looking to break those kinds of records, but it still endures and still has a kind of force. And I think it saves some lives among the veterans who you. Whose lives are often fragile when they return from a war, particularly one that was so contentious back at home and didn't have the kind of unanimous support that World War II, a subject of another film I've done. So it's. I mean, only PBS has permitted me to tell you that each one of the films is a director cut. And so if you don't like it, it's all my fault.
A
So you mentioned pbs. I'm really curious, as you've watched, what's played out with the Corporation for Public Broadcasting being defunded. You know what your reaction has been?
C
Just incredible disappointment and sadness and the sense of short sightedness too. You know, PBS is the largest network in the country. It's got 338 individual stations. And this will hurt mostly the small rural stations that will go out of business. You know, and that's sad. Sometimes the only signal that they have is a PBS signal. Sometimes, you know, they get not only our good children's and primetime Stuff, but they get classroom of the air and continuing education, Homeland Security reports, emergency signal things. And so it just seems so stupid to focus on a couple of things. I mean, William F. Buckley, the leading conservative for decades, had a show on PBS for 32 years. I mean, it's just completely shortsighted. It's punitive, and it will only hurt people who don't deserve to be heard, who need to not live in a news desk. That's a sad thing. It hurt us, it hurt PBS central, It hurt npr, I assume. I don't know much about that, but it's gonna mostly hurt those smaller rural stations.
B
You've been on the road promoting this film, from Joe Rogan to Theo Vaughn to places like the Atlantic. I mean, are you. Do you think you can kind of save PBS or make this case to people through the tour, through the film?
C
Of course I can make the case for it. My entire professional life, I think, is one case for pbs. I don't think I can save it. But, you know, the important thing is I'm saying exactly the same thing to the Atlantic that I said at Simi Valley, at the Reagan Library, as I said the night before at the Academy in Hollywood, as I said the night before that at the palace of Fine Arts in San Francisco, as I said before that in Portland and Seattle, and as I've said at Colonial Williamsburg and to Joe Rogan and Theo Vaughn. I mean, I don't vary the message. We have a story. We share this story. It's a bottom up as well as top down story. And that's what we tried to tell.
A
You're honestly a podcast expert at this point. I was like trying to listen to as many interviews with you before we did this. And I was like, all right, so I gotta do like an hour and a half of how long gone. I gotta go. Three hours of Joe Rogan. I was like, this guy.
C
Yeah, expert's not the word. Just a prisoner.
A
A prisoner of podcasting. Yes.
C
My every day is like 18 and a half hours a day of doing this.
B
You know, what do you make of it as like a filmmaker, I guess, of being on this side of the camera in this sort of crude way.
C
It's so funny how little. How we're consumed just by talk that doesn't. I mean, you really want to put. I mean, I spend nearly 10 years working on this, you know, meaning every sentence has been very carefully calibrated and stuff like that. There's something kind of ultimately disposable about it, and it's just accumulating like the Sorcerer's Apprentice over and over again.
B
Yeah, we spent minutes on that. It's terrible.
A
Hey, hey. I spent hours. Don't sell me short. I spent some hours. I locked in for.
B
You spent hours watching Ken's work, which took thousands of hours.
A
Yes, that's true.
B
There's an asymmetry.
C
Only 250.
A
Oh, my God.
C
Still a lot.
A
Do you feel like you, you know, going on some of these places? I thought, you know, I listened to a lot of the Joe Rogan interview, you know, and seems like he kind of as. As he's want to do in many of these situations. He. He agreed with you. Do you feel like you're a good messenger because you've kind of tr. While being interested in history, you've tried to stay out of the kind of political fray. Do you feel like you've been an effective messenger to the right, which is at the moment, you know, the Trump administration is the one that's pushing these cuts?
C
I don't know. I've enjoyed the conversations I've had. I like the fact that people often say, wow, I didn't know that. Which is exactly my experience over the last 10 years working on this film. And I'm glad, at least the film itself sort of provokes that in folks who aren't versed in it. I don't have an agenda other than to get as many eyeballs watching this as possible. I do think that having a really strong sense of what actually took place in our revolution, with nuance and undertow and complexity and extraordinary inspiration, gives us a chance to sort of move back together in which we've all gotten into different things. The whole idea of union is that, as the Kanasa, the spokesman for the Six nations, says at the opening of our film, admonishing us, if you're going to borrow our system, this is the Iroquois Confederacy. Never fall out one with the other. Now we find ourselves in divided times. We were super divided then. Half the films I've made is about how divided we've been at any given period that we've had. Sometimes divided in half, sometimes divided in many, many different parts. Where it's Vietnam or Prohibition or the Depression or whatever it might be, the Civil War, certainly, and our revolution. So being divided is not a new thing, and getting out of being divided is not a new thing. But one of the things you do is you find and remind people that they share a common past. There is nobody more important to our founding than George Washington. There are people out there who are willing to Cancel him for a variety of things. We are not in that crowd, nor are we willing to edit it to just George Washington. He doesn't win the war unless he has teenagers and disaffected people and felons and second and third sons able to get inheritance and recent immigrants fight the war from him. That's the Continental Army. It's not the sturdy militia. They're there, but they run home to plant their crops and run home to reap their crops. And they're not as reliable as soldiers as these other guys are. And so it's a pretty fascinating story. Democracy is not the intention of the revolution. It is a consequence of it. It is originally what you'd call, in today's language, an elitist program that ultimately you realize in order for us to succeed, we have to use and then therefore extend to these people wider rights. And that's what happens. We begin to take these arguments between British citizens and we blow them out into natural rights in which involve, you know, the most essential qualities of human philosophy that you could possibly have. And that means everybody hears it. By the time everybody is talking about liberty and freedom and independence, the people who are serving them are hearing it too. They are not dumb. And the liberty talk, as Jane Kaminsky, a historian, says in our film, it's very leaky. It gets out everywhere. And the second the revolution starts and the word slavery is batted around, not with regard to enslaved people, but in regard to how the British were treating people, Slavery's done. May take four score and nine years, but it. But it's done. And women, they're gonna get the votes. It may take 144 years, but they're gonna get the vote. And so it's just the cat is out of the bag. And this is the story of how the cat gets out of the bag.
A
You strike me as a very effective messenger for PBS in these venues. And I'm just curious if they asked you in this moment when the Corporation for Public Broadcasting was up for being defunded, if they asked you to go and speak on Rogan and Theo Vaughan and these places where they have these broad audiences.
C
No, no, no, no. And Theo Vaughan happened well after the rescission that defunded the corporation for a public broadcast. The rescission clawed back two years of money that was already authorized and appropriate, including 4 million for a project that I've been working on that now is poof, dust gone. And the. And the. Joe Rogan was well before the vote was coming up. No, no, no. This is Who I've always been, and I've been talking to people and very interested in always reaching out to everybody as possible. When the vote was happening in mid July, I made as many phone calls as I thought to be helpful, to try to speak to people, to encourage them to vote against. What I've said is really shortsighted.
B
Rescission, meaning no slight to PBS and their reach, particularly through broadcast. I'm curious, do you watch video on your phone?
C
I don't watch. Well, I watch video when my editor sends me a little version of the scene we're cutting and whatever. I'd rather get to a big laptop to enjoy, but I don't. For entertainment, I don't watch anything on my phone. PBS has an app and you're talking to a Luddite who's 72 years old with four grandchildren, four daughters. So I don't use it the way a lot of people use the PBS app. And PBS just its Signal alone reaches 97% of households.
B
How do you think about making these sort of horizontal films? Built, obviously for a reasonable size screen in a world where most of the consumption of moving images is vertical, is. It's not always short, but it's in a totally different environment.
C
How old were you in 1990, Ben?
B
I was 14.
C
Okay. So in 1990, I finished my film, my sixth or seventh film, I can't remember which, on the Civil War. And I went to the press tour that happened twice a year in Los Angeles. And we were at the Century Plaza Hotel. And the critic said, this is really, really good. And no one will watch it, Ken, because Steven Bochco has just come out with a cop show that is a singing musical thing called Cop Rocks. And by the way, everybody is addicted to MTV Music videos. We're sorry, but no one's gonna watch it. And I went, oh, it's still the highest rated program in pbs. They said the same thing four years later about baseball, said the same thing about jazz in 2001, said the same thing in 2007 about the war, in 2009 about the national park. And by now it had gravitated From MTV to YouTube and kittens playing with balls of yarn. Nobody's gonna do that. And they're doing it on their phones. And that's all it is. And these films consistently outperform other programs. But that's not the point. The point is they've stopped doing it. Because what do people do in the midst of tsunami of choices that they have? They self curate. And self curate involves binging and binging for my kids and my grandkids. They'll watch three or four seasons in one weekend of something that's longer than any film I've ever made. And people are willing to focus their attention and, oh, we've lost our attention span. I don't see that. What the hell are you doing? Well, I'm watching season four of the Good Place. Okay, and how far are you along? Well, I started this morning and I'm hoping to finish it this afternoon. So tell me now what the problem is and I'll tell you that back in the 1850s, everybody said exactly the same thing when the telegraph came. Death of writing, death of letters. Nobody's gonna communicate in long form anymore. It's the erosion of our attention. Everything is over. The sky is falling. Let's just, you know, get in the fetal position and give up. All meaning accrues in duration. Period.
B
That's really inspiring. And I'm gonna absolutely repeat that riff to the next person who tells me about kids these days.
C
Yeah, I mean, come on, they've been saying it about me. I was a long haired hippie and doing, oh, this is the problem. Right. And they said it about you, probably Ben and Max. You know, this is the history of the world.
B
Is there anything any other documentarians right now, anything you've seen lately that you love?
C
I love almost everything. To make a film and get it done, opposed to being able to talk about anything is an extraordinary accomplishment. It takes so many years of effort and hard work to make that happen that I see all sorts of stuff. Oh, whole variety. And the word documentary is such a tiny narrow word. And it comes from stuff that is nearly feature films, nearly that to cinema verite of Fred Wiseman and everything in between. And it all has one word, documentary. And so you have lots of people that are doing amazing things. Morgan Neville, you know, Werner Herzog, you know, Errol Morris. All these people do films that are totally different than what I do. But you look at them in amazement because they're wonderful. They're harder to do than feature films because the feature film you have a script, you know what you're shooting today. And you've got many, many tens of millions more dollars at your disposal to be able to do the kinds of things you do. I think documentaries are little miracles all the time. Yeah, it's a terrifically open field and it's been a golden age for decades now. I remember Vincent Canby, who was then the New York Times chief film critic, said that in 1985 and it's only gotten better because we've had more people wake up to the fact that nonfiction has a kind of viability. And we have to put up with a lot of crap like reality television, which isn't reality. Nobody proposes to somebody else in front of millions of people. Nobody eats bugs in front of millions of people. But the legitimate documentaries that go on are, I think, fantastic. And people are drawn to them, like the way the industry, and remember they call it the industry. They'll play it out. They'll do 18 billion crime dramas until somebody says no mas. And then they'll stop them and they'll do 18 billion of some other sort of things. But we've been just poking along for 50 years at PBS as an independent producer. I own all my films. I raise all the money, which is why I get the 10 and a half years. And it's a good deal. I have a director's cut every single time.
A
You said on Joe Rogan's show that history can tell us where we're going. And you mentioned earlier that history doesn't repeat itself. It rhymes. Which may or may not have been something that Mark Twain said. But being a student of history, where do you think we're going?
C
I don't know where we're going. I know that if we know where we've been, we have a better chance of going to a better place. We have a better chance, first of all, being able to interpret the complicated dynamics of the present. And these are as complicated as they've ever been. This is as existential a threat to this American moment as any that I've ever covered. And I've covered the Civil War and the Depression and World War II. So this is a big deal. But I know that the better are you informed about where we come accurately for him, the better you're able to deal with the present and then also begin to imagine and dream and work with others to forge a future. That's the only thing you can't do. You can do. You can't make stuff up. You can't wring your hands and sit in a fetal position hoping someone else will do the work for you. We are citizens, and that means we have the highest office in the land. But it has to be active. And pursuit of happiness did not mean lifelong accumulation of wealth in a marketplace of things, but lifelong learning in a marketplace of ideas. That's what every founder met. And they felt that by improving yourself, education wise, it made you more virtuous. And all the things that came with virtue would make you a better citizen. It sounds like corny stuff, and I know you guys can just throw it away, but it's really accurate to the heart of the situation right now. It has to do with truth. It has to do with honesty. It has to do with generosity. And things that are about character. And character is always destiny. And anything that reminds you of the complexity of character in everybody, nobody's perfectly good. George Washington is deeply flawed, but without him, we don't have a country. And that foot soldier that you've just rescued from obscurity and made a part of the battle of Long island isn't perfect either. And their wisdom and their misunderstanding of things becomes part of an equation which, mixed together, permits you to endure. And all you want is for the American experiment, as flawed as it may be, as more perfect as it could become, to endure. And I hardly sign up for that project.
A
Well, thank you so much, Ken, and congratulations.
C
Thank you.
B
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A
So, Ben, what did you think about Ken Burns and what he had to say about his work, pbs, this media moment? What'd you think?
B
I mean, I guess I think that in order to make the kind of 10 year long project that he makes, you have to have a kind of confidence and like perhaps slight disdain for shorter term, you know, mere feature films, much less podcasts. Like I did get the sense that he didn't really view the exercise that we were engaged in of interviewing him as quite on the same level as spending 10 years, you know, going so deep, crafting every word, which is totally fair, honestly.
A
He had. He didn't seem to hold podcasters in a particularly high regard, though.
B
I mean, who does?
A
Certain people do. I, you know, I, I think I hold some podcasters in high regard. I heard others in low regard. But I think that it seems like Ken, at the very least, even if he is convinced of the disposability of this medium, he's generous enough to engage a lot with different podcasts because he's.
B
Done a. Yeah, I mean, I guess this is a guy who's been doing media tours for, you know, 30 years and watched them go from you talk to the five correspondents for the five newspapers to like, oh my God, what podcast am I on now? Right. But I think in a way, I mean, I thought it was really interesting to hear him say that is, you know, in some ways probably more like the media of the early Republic than it is like the media that he came up in.
A
Yeah.
B
I also love his just accurate statement that, you know, adults forever have been denouncing the end of kids attention spans forever and he has been proving them wrong for his entire career. I think that's just a good note that there's this kind of rolling moral panic about the kids can't pay attention anymore that we should be pretty skeptical of it.
A
Is it really interesting too that he I think was pretty reserved and analytical about a lot of the stuff that he was working on and tried to stay apolitical about a lot and is not expressly critical of the new administration or anything like that, but obviously was not pleased with the cuts to PBS and hasn't been afraid to talk about it. I mean, to the point that it wasn't anybody's idea for him to go out and talk about these things on Rogan or whatnot. But he made it a major priority, which I thought was really interesting.
B
Yeah, I mean he is, you know, he's an American treasure. It was pretty fun to have him on.
A
Yeah, absolutely. Well, thanks Ben for setting it up. It was really great. Well, that is it for us this week. Thank you so much for listening to another episode of MC Signals from us here at Semaphore. Our show is produced by Sheena Ozaki with special thanks to Josh Billinson, Chad Lewis, Rachel Oppenheim, Anna Pizzino, Garrett Wiley, Jules Zern and Tori Kaur. Our engineer is Rick Kwan and our theme music is by Billy Libby. Our public editor this week is the CEO of pbs, Paula Kerger. Paula, let us know what you thought about the show or tell us in person.
B
And if you like mixed signals, please follow us wherever you get your podcasts. Feel free to review us, give us five stars and like and subscribe on YouTube.
A
And if you still want more, you can always sign up for Semaphore's media newsletter, which is out every Sunday night.
Date: October 31, 2025
Host(s): Max Tani & Ben Smith
Guest: Ken Burns
This episode features legendary documentarian Ken Burns. With PBS facing defunding in the current political climate, Burns discusses his new American Revolution series, the parallels between history and the present, the enduring value of long-form documentaries, and why he’s skeptical of narratives about declining attention spans. The conversation spans the craft and philosophy of documentary filmmaking, the challenges posed by contemporary media trends, and Burns' pointed thoughts on the future of public broadcasting and American society.
Timestamps: [04:45]-[07:17], [21:00]-[24:02]
Timestamps: [06:52]-[09:58]
Timestamps: [09:58]-[13:54]
Timestamps: [13:54]-[17:49]
Timestamps: [24:02]-[25:32]
Timestamps: [25:32]-[27:51], [31:19]-[32:20]
Burns reflects on his omnipresence in media, from The Atlantic to Joe Rogan, and his intent:
He retains a deliberately apolitical stance to reach broader audiences, focusing on shared history as a means to foster unity:
Timestamps: [32:20]-[35:37]
Timestamps: [35:37]-[37:56]
Timestamps: [37:56]-[40:22]
On documentary style and discovery:
“I didn’t go in to tell you what I knew about the American Revolution. I went in to discover it, and every day was like, whoa, I had no idea.” — Ken Burns [08:38]
On the “panic” over changing media:
“Every generation is convinced the sky is falling because of the new thing. But meaning accrues in duration.” — [33:13-35:37]
On defunding PBS:
“It will only hurt people who don’t deserve to be hurt, who need to not live in a news desert. That’s a sad thing.” — Ken Burns [24:14]
On being a podcast guest:
“Expert’s not the word. Just a prisoner. My every day is like 18 and a half hours a day of doing this.” — Ken Burns [26:25]
On the promise and limitations of objectivity:
“If you call balls and strikes, then it isn’t a highlight game, nor is it this involvement of just sins. It’s a complicated story that’s both inspiring and at times disappointing...” — Ken Burns [16:10]
On history as civic engagement:
“We are citizens, and that means we have the highest office in the land. But it has to be active.” — Ken Burns [38:50]
Burns speaks with warmth, conviction, and erudition. He avoids overt politicking while being pointed about the consequences of PBS defunding. The overall tone of the episode is thoughtful, reflective, sometimes humorous, and deeply invested in the value of historical understanding and quality storytelling. The hosts provide a conversational, slightly irreverent counterpoint, helping to keep the conversation accessible and lively.
This conversation is essential listening for anyone interested in history, public media, documentary storytelling, or the intersection of politics and culture. Ken Burns provides both a masterclass in historical storytelling and a powerful defense of the enduring importance of nuanced, long-form content—even in a rapidly changing media landscape. The episode delivers a nuanced, richly detailed exploration of how America tells its own story—and why it matters now more than ever.