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Andrea Mansker, "Matchmaking and the Marriage Market in Postrevolutionary France" (Cornell UP, 2024)
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A
Welcome to the New Books Network.
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B
Welcome to the Hembihan. My name is Mariam Olubodi, the host. Today I have with me Professor Andrea Manske. Professor Andrea Mansker is a is a David Undertale professor of Modern European History at the University of South in Sweeney Tennis specializing in French culture and gender history. Her research interests range from the history of marriage, reproduction, war and consumerism to gendered code of honor and citizenship in early 20th century France. Her earlier book, Sex and Citizenship in Helit Republic France was published with Pargrave Macmillan in 2011. She recently published Mark Making and the Marriage Market in Post revolutionary France in 2025 on Cornell University Press. The book is entitled Matchmaking and the Marriage Market in Post Revolutionary France. All right, you are welcome to the new books on gender studies. Professor ANDRE thank you. So if I may ask, what is your motivation for exploring these aspects of the French history?
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A
So I became interested in this topic when I was doing some research for book. I was doing research in the divorce archives for Third Republic France and I came across a case in which which indicated the presence of this self styled divorce agent who had been hired by the husband to follow his wife around and to verify that she had been committing adultery. So adultery was one of the few specific grounds for divorce in this period. So that you did have some private detectives and some intermediaries who typically arranged marriages for clients who began to offer this additional service once divorce was legalized in 1884. So I was really intrigued by the presence of these marginal business agents involved in people's private affairs. It made me very curious to find out more information specifically about the commercial matchmakers. I had never read anything about the commercial matchmakers in France. What were their origins? You know, when did they kind of set up shop and start doing business? And also how do they pitch their services to the public? This is very much seen as a new type of business at the time which seemed to contain all of these kind of utopic possibilities. So I was surprised to find a really rich variety of media sources, pamphlets, plays, other kinds of literature, and also courtroom debates about the profession. And many of these sources revolved around the lives and careers of these two men who were these really larger than life matchmakers. Two men named Claude Vilme and Charles Dufroy. These men initiated the consumer craze surrounding matchmaking in France and they created these new storylines about love and marriage in the urban context. So what intrigued me were their really colorful marketing scripts and how those scripts resonated with people during a period of Flux. How did brokers develop these kind of consumer stories about alienated individuals who were searching for romance or even social mobility in the congested city? And the kind of enthusiastic way that the public reacted to these scripts with their own extraordinary narratives. And so one of the things that I try to do in the book is understand how did people at the time use the business of matchmaking to reimagine their public identities, their relationships, and their courtship rituals? And how did they do so at this kind of moment of intense change?
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B
All right, thank you very much. Just wondering. That is quite an historic position as to your vision for exploring the aspect of the French history which has to do with matchmaking and the marriage market. All right. Could you shed light on what led to the commodification of love and intimacy in post revolutionary France? Thank you.
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A
Yeah, yeah, sure. So I think that this very fluid setting of post revolutionary France was very conducive to the commodification of intimacy, that the matchmakers established these Parisian offices and also placed personal ads for clients in a context of incredible change against the backdrop of two decades of revolution, continuous and ongoing warfare during the Napoleonic period, and also economic dislocation. So the French Revolution accelerated a shift in urban customs of courtship and sociability that were already underway in the 18th century, but this just kind of accelerated it. And so marriage brokers operated in this rapidly changing Parisian society, where older social and familial networks had broken down. And then where you also get this circulation of capital and people increasing due to urbanization, war, political and social upheaval, but also a weakening of parental authority over marriage decisions of their children. And so matchmakers catered to isolated urban citizens and especially to new arrivals to the Capitol who needed help navigating the city's kind of unfamiliar marriage market. So Claude Villon, for example, especially pitched to veterans and new Napoleonic men who were new to the capital. The brokers linked marital choice to consumer capitalism. And in doing so, they transformed both courtship and marriage into commodities, commodities that were associated with these new urban values of abundance and pleasure and social mobility. They did things such bigger selection of spousal options than their families could provide with their very limited social circles and also with their kind of outdated rituals. The brokers also offered pleasurable opportunities to catch a glimpse of your future spouse in these anonymous spaces of the city, without revealing your identity to the other party. So Claude Guillaume struck a particularly popular note with his audience when he constructed this modern script about love, that he said that love was a product of blind destiny. And marriage was a lottery that subverted rational attempts at control and planning. His idea of the marriage lottery was not only forward looking, but rather it functioned as a. Also as a coping mechanism for a population that was struggling to come to terms with this social disruption that I just described. So Viom suggested that these random, unknowable forces propelled the dramatic reversals of fortune that a generation of French citizens had experienced, both in their personal lives and their conjugal lives, but also on a national scale. And so what I found is that matchmaking function in a variety of ways for the French public at the time, it was not just about finding partners, but it was about all of these other things that had happened as well.
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B
Okay, thank you very much. So it's quite interesting how they've been able to help people get by spouses. It's true anonymity. You don't. Your identity doesn't need to be revealed.
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A
Right.
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B
For you to get a partner. So now, with anonymity, how was it easy for them to get? This is a bit out of the previous questions, I said, but I'm just curious. Out of curiosity, I want to know, even though, anonymous, don't we have partners? Or maybe people who seek partners who are actually interested in knowing few things about their supposed spouses? Are there instances such as that? Can you answer this question?
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A
Well, the brokers did offer to have people come to their offices or kind of send them letters in which they specified what they were looking for in their future spouses. And so the brokers would then kind of try to determine whether they had anyone else who had written them a letter that kind of conformed to that one. They did want to get to know their spouses, but this was when the broker had, you know, made an offer. I have a particular client who would be good for you. And if you want to have an opportunity to just kind of catch a glimpse of them first without actually revealing your identity to them, you could do that. Right. And if the other person was. If the two people were pleasing to one another, they could then kind of go forward and they would reveal. The broker would reveal both of their identities so that they could then have, you know, as long of a period of courtship as they desired. Right. And so the broker's role is really mainly to just kind of offer you a variety of options in terms of what you're looking for. Does that make sense?
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B
Of course it makes a lot of sense. It's really. All right, that takes me to the next question of what impact was a matchmaking Trade to the development of the media and literature at this period.
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A
Sure. So I really focus on the way that the matchmakers plied their trade in the pages of the classifieds. The Petite Affiche was a Parisian newspaper in this period that inserted classified ads for individuals, but also commercial advertisements. News and announcements of various sorts of. And classifieds were a newly commodified space in the early 19th century. In this publication, the categories between the news classifieds and then commercial ads was very much blurred. And you had these covert advertisements, which was an ad that was actually disguised as an editorial piece or an article that was prominent in the Petit Afiche, but also just throughout the French press in this era. So the Petit Afiche was this consumer based medium that allowed the brokers to experiment with their promotional language on matchmaking. I argue that commercial matchmaking impacted the press in a number of ways. One of the ways was in advertising. Most of the advertising that you had in the classifieds were these kind of artisans who presented their products in a very straightforward, just descriptive, you know, presentation style. Viom and Foie, though, really started to use these more conceptual, kind of aspirational narratives, promising things like romance and destiny and kind of social emulation. So they really tried to play on readers fantasies and to make sometimes unfeasible promises about partner selection that still seem rooted somewhat in concrete realities, the realities of the marriage market at the time. They used the publication of the classifieds to create scripts about pleasurable shopping, shopping for spouses in the city, and new consumer identities. I also examined the ways that matchmakers experimented with this idea of public intimacy in the classifieds. And here I look particularly at Claude Vilme's marriage column that he set up in 1813, which was him telling clients that they could. He would publish their letters verbatim, right, that. That in which they're expressing their particular of preferences for a spouse in their own words. And so he published these in the Petite Affiche and the letters are anonymous. I also only have the published versions. And so I cannot attribute authorship. But what really interested me were these kind of fictional narratives that the letters really wove around the practice of matchmaking. And also just this question of how did these stories really function in the public imagination. So these were tales about private life and partner selection that were very attractive for the post revolutionary audience. The letters were from seemingly real but unidentified authors who published their intimate desires in new ways in the classifieds. And they also borrowed from different literary genres to shape their letters. So, for example, many of the Men's Letters that Viom published adopted Viom's argument about this kind of irrational marriage market in which planning made no difference. They use this theme in a variety of ways, but one of the ways was to explain their failures in courtship and to think about new marriage strategies that were connected to gambling. So there was a thriving culture of legal gambling in this period, and there was this also this new economy of risk in Paris. And so some of these male clients used this idea of the matrimonial lottery to propose that in order to succeed on the marriage market, they needed to use every available strategy. And so, yes, they would kind of have recourse to their families and to their social circles to try to find a mate. But why don't they? Why. Why not also try this newer kind of method of matchmaking that VOM had proposed in the. In the press? They suggested that, you know, the odds were against the them in the marriage market. And so they should probably try to kind of hedge their bets and adopt every available strategy to succeed on this market in this marketplace, where things did seem to be fairly irrational and it was difficult to know a successful partner.
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B
You first of all spoke about the press, how the matchmaking business impact the press. Then later, the literature. Well, I would like to ask those literature. I understand that most of those literature are written by men to tell their stories, to share their own perspective on the whole matchmaking market system. But I would like to ask which of the genre are they only prose literature, or are they open theatrical performances, or are they. Are they drum. That is what actually, I mean, prose. Are they prose pieces, or are some of those things performed? I want to know precisely which kind of literary perspective. Not only May I want you to tell your audience which of the literary genre was more prominent at those periods? Thank you.
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A
Sure. Okay. So the. I argue that the type of literature that was most influential on that, the letters that were published in that marriage column, tended to be this kind of sentimental style. And so these sentimental novels, the kind of cult of sensibility from the 18th century. So biome had this very famous, you know, supposed client that he called Emily in this marriage column. And she wrote this. This kind of fascinating letter, or at least a letter that was very interesting to the audience at the time, in which she was presenting herself as kind, almost a character in this very popular Rousseau novel Julie, or la novel Eloise. And she presented herself as this young woman, wealthy, attractive woman, who was nonetheless very kind of jaded, looking for a platonic relationship with this much older man. And she provoked a lot of interest among the male readers as to, you know, why she was kind of taking this approach. She also revealed that she was this unwed mother who was looking to marry a nobleman who had. Who had lost everything during the revolution or who had been ruined by the revolution. And so she promised to give this person a, you know, a certain stipend, an annual stipend in order to marry him and then obtain his name for her and her illegitimate children. And so you had Viom published then a lot of mail letters that were in response to hers. And they also presented themselves in the guise of these kind of characters from these epistolary novels of the 18th century. And so, yes, there were this kind of. This was the dominant kind of literary genre, I would say, still in this period. But then you also had other mediums, like these popular comedic plays. There were a number of popular vaudevilles that were done that depicted Viome and the new matchmaking business, but then also depicted the clientele. So there's a variety of different kinds of genres that people are playing with at the time. But that was the dominant one for the marriage column.
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B
Thank you very much, Professor Wanger. Now, I know that you've mentioned Patiate Affect as a prominent publication at those periods. I may ask, are there other publications that made way by those period? And why?
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A
Well, so I just mentioned the popular plays. And the plays were very, very popular. And there were at least three in this period that were performed in Paris that were about Guillaume and his office, but also about imagined things about his clients. And so one of them was the most popular one, was called Marriage Mania. And it captured some of the frenzy surrounding the new business at the time. It took a bit own, but it also took aim at his clients who were imagined to be these kind of unrestrained female consumers who were driven wild, apparently, by the agent's clever marketing campaign. At least this is how they were presented in the place. They were also driven wild by his promise of unlimited grooms. And so you have certain kinds of anxieties that are coming out in these plays surrounding Viom's kind of transformation of marriage into a commodity. But I would say that under the First Empire, the matchmaking business did not raise as many anxieties as it would a little bit later, when Charles de Fortune set up his office and he was operating mainly during the July Monarchy. And so during that period, there were more intense anxieties surrounding the growing capitalist economy and this concern over con artists. And so you had a variety of kind of satirical publications. That highlighted Bois and the marriage agent in general as this kind of dodgy, unqualified business agent who really embodied the kind of booming speculative economy. So the satirical newspapers really highlighted the marriage broker in this period and featured the broker as the marriage broker as really embodying these. This new kind of speculative economy.
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B
Satirical news newspapers. All right, what is the difference between Villon Clark's and Charles du Foy's styles and philosophies of matchmaking as you have it in the. In the text? Professor Andrea, can you hear me?
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A
Yes, yes, sorry. Okay. So both Guillaume and Foy were, I would say, products of their different historical moments and the tensions of that period. So Villon really highlighted this theme of chance, and he did so in an era of social instability, when the ideals, customs and laws surrounding marriage had undergone these massive changes. Villon was influenced by the French Revolution, and so he offered clients the possibility to follow their personal desires rather than convention to find a perfect match. He also framed his ideal of love in the romantic language of serendipity, emphasizing that you could meet your partner just completely by chance when you're least expecting it in the streets of Paris. He also presented himself as this kind of compliant intermediary who did not get heavily involved in the kind of correspondence between the two spouses, but simply nudged individuals toward their destinies. So whereas Viom really emphasized his role as his spontaneous role as a kind of agent of fate who could make love matches or kind of companionate unions for people of the revolutionary generation, Charles de Foy really sought to rationalize the matchmaking business. Foix was much more interested in these lucrative arranged unions because he was targeting a specific group of people. His targeted demographic were these middle class provincial men who tended to see marriage as just a route to upward mobility. And so Foy abandoned all of Viom's emphasis on romance or love at first sight, and he also abandoned Viom's more haphazard method of matchmaking. So Foy pitched to these opportunistic male clients in a variety of ways, referencing the difficulties or obstacles involved in locating a bride. Because these men, he said, were busy professionals who didn't have time to socialize or in some cases, didn't have access to elite social circles. Hua also promoted himself as an aristocratic matchmaker who was paradoxically removed from the marketplace. He claimed to offer bourgeois men exclusive access to elite Parisian families, which, he said no other broker could provide. And so he claimed he had access to these elite men networks thanks to, you know, the currency of his noble name of his noble family name. And so because the criticism of the matchmaker in this period was that the broker corrupted marriage by introducing the marketplace into marriage, Foie really tried to project an image of himself as an informal noble mediator who worked behind the scenes to forge these family alliances. So the model of fame he established was somewhat like the dandy who depended on this anonymous public sphere to give his identity meaning, but also kind of expressed a noble's disdain for the masses and held himself aloof from the crowd in a variety of ways. So Foy's approach to publicity really suggested his ambiguous positioning in this democratic society. In these ads guaranteeing clients the ideal arranged marriage, Foix advertised a privileged lifestyle to the masses, a form of kind of genteel consumption. But he paradoxically made this appeal in this mass medium of advertising, which was very much viewed as suspect and crass at the time.
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B
Enjoy this part of the response Ravlem and the voice, styles and philosophy of matchmaking. Okay, I think your discussion here is a kind of made what I have read in the book clearer and I hope it's going to help the audience understanding of their philosophies better. Now to the next question. Could you briefly comment on Willem's and Charles's consumer based approaches to courtship and marriage?
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A
Yeah. So I think that Viom's own chaotic personal history was what really spurred him to develop this modern commercial narrative about the role of chance in kind of bringing people together in these random ways. So Viom has a very interesting background. He had studied, spent years in various state prisons subject to this rather arbitrary Napoleonic police state. And this was following his, you know, purported assassination attempt on First Consul Bonaparte, which happened in 1803. It is rather amazing that by 1812 he managed to secure his release from prison, still under Napoleon, and to reinvent himself as the most widely known marriage agent in post revolutionary France. And so he used the uniquely commercial format of the Petite Affiche, that classifieds publication, to really establish a monopoly on professional matchmaking under the first Empire. He proved his talents as this engaging copywriter during what was a rather bleak period of political censorship and onerous conscription demands that the state was making on the population. And so in this setting he kind of adeptly marketed his so called marriages by the classifieds to lonely uprooted individuals throughout the nation. But he was also very forthright that his ads entertained the public with these kind of lively consumer scripts. And he was okay with that. Chaudefroy embarked on a 40 year publicity campaign throughout the Parisian press and in the courtroom and presented himself constantly as the kind of trailblazing founder of the matchmaking profession. He was obsessed with establishing the matchmakers moral and legal legitimacy. And so his consumer scripts allowed him to both kind of establish a narrative about the competence and expertise of the matrimonial agent, but also to make himself over into a prominent media personality of the period. And so he elaborated a respectable image of the marriage broker as this kind of disinterested helper of the French family during what he said was this kind of national marriage crisis. He also indulged his readers fascination with eavesdropping on the private lives of respectable customers in the press. He recognized the sensational appeal of their secrets and of who the clients actually were for his audience, which he sometimes revealed. If, if clients refused to pay their fee, void took them to court and where their identities would be revealed. Void did not make male clients pay up front, which is very attractive to them. Instead he took 5% on the bride's dowry and only once the marriage was contracted. So this was obviously a very advantageous deal for the bourgeois male shopper who oftentimes wanted to use the matchmaker in order to restore his business or his reputation.
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B
What's differentiate innovations in the matchmaking business in the second empire from the first empire.
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A
So I didn't write as much about the second empire in the book. But during that period you did have growing numbers of marriage brokers that started to open offices in the capital. They started to advertise their services to a more democratized audience. And there were additional women who became matchmakers in this period. And brokers increasingly appealed to a lower middle class audience who with by kind of placing these really exaggerated advertisements in the general press and the classifieds, but also in these specialized matrimonial publications that promised these far fetched dowries to insolvent bachelors. So the agents in this period tended to advertise these imaginary wealthy female clients who it was said had a kind of quote, small stain on their reputation. And these women supposedly did not require their future husband to bring any money or capital into the union. In these ads, the fake female client claimed to only care about the kind of personality of her future husband. And according to many observers, this had a kind of magical effect on many male readers at the time who were taken in by these early romance scams. And so matchmakers came under more scrutiny by the police and public opinion as con artists and sex traffickers who were engaged in fraudulent marriage schemes started to, they started to kind of come under the radar of authorities, more so than they had in the earlier period. Some of the authorities felt that the brokers were really posing a threat to, quote, public morality. So many brokers came before the correctional courts, the police courts, in this period for a new category of crime that was called escrit de mariage, or marriage fraud. There was a lot of press coverage of these matrimonial con artists. And there was also in this period, a growing genre of pornographic tell all memoirs that were penned by people who claimed to be matchmakers. And that also made the offices seem very shady. So legislators and journalists were increasingly focusing on the kind of perils that marriage brokerage posed to, it was said, to vulnerable women readers. Yet the press also highlighted this threat of the duplicitous female professional matchmaker, who, it was said, used her office as a front for an illegal brothel. So you get these narratives both about women being in sexual danger because of the matchmakers, but also asexual danger. And so the deterioration of the broker's reputation by the Second Empire was partly due to this public understanding that commercial matchmaker had become a more feminized industry that catered more so to the lower classes than to the middle classes.
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B
How did the latest interior revolution impact on the redefinition of matrimony?
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A
Professor ANDRE okay, so the French Revolution did really dramatically alter legislation on the family. And they did so Based on these 18th century criticisms of the father's so called tyrannical power over his wife and children. And also based on this criticism of arranged marriages under the old regime that were based on mostly kind of family interest and economic factors. So republican legislators tried to reform marriage. They did reform marriage as the centerpiece of their project of constructing more egalitarian relationships in the family. The revolution marked a critical stage in redefining marriage as a secular, freely chosen pact that could be broken by either party. So alongside legislation that did things like lower the age of majority for children during the French Revolution, and also legislation that lowered the age of parental consent, consent by which you needed your parents consent to marry, all of that got lowered. And then additionally, there was a really far reaching divorce law that was passed in 1792 that symbolized a departure from this older notion of marriage as just like a treaty of alliance between two families, it allowed divorce by mutual consent. So the revolutionaries defined this newer idea of the couple as this democratic association that was rooted in affection and also individual liberty and choice. At the same time, revolutionary ideals changed people's approach to courtship. The courting period was still Short and closely monitored for young, wealthy bourgeois people. But the rules of premarital sociability had changed for many members of the urban middle classes and popular classes. There was a high degree of population density in Paris and increased male mobility, especially due to war and revolution. There were also changing business and residential patterns in the city that facilitated contact with people outside of local neighborhoods. All of this helped break down previous expectations about partner selection. And so additionally, you had these growing critiques of parental authority within marriage. And that combined with the new laws, encouraged young people across class lines to really start demanding more freedom in their choice of a spouse. Freedom from, you know, family control. And so in his marketing copy, Claude Villon really appealed to both younger people who were inspired by revolutionary ideals and to those who no longer needed, you know, their parental authorization to marry. He said that, you know, people in coming to clients and coming to him, could bypass the customary negotiations of families and their old courtship rituals.
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B
That's great. I believe that the revolution actually simplified the rules. The permission of parents before marriage, that is lifted and lot more. In the book, you mentioned the 1804 Civil Code. What does it entail, if I may ask?
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A
Sure. So the 1804 Civil Code was a standardized set of French laws that was created under Napoleon. It preserved some elements of revolutionary reform. Equality before the law, for example, for everyone. But it also restored certain elements of the old regime. Old regime provisions on the family. Napoleonic jurists saw marriage as key to restoring what they saw as this legitimate hierarchical family. And so the code did declare that married women and children were legal minors who were subject to the husband's authorities. And the Civil Code also defined family relationships as fundamentally different from other contracts. And so that would include marriage. Divorce in the Civil Code was maintained, but it was very limited. It was limited to just specific grounds and it was bogged down in procedure and expenses. And it became very difficult to obtain. Divorce also became much less common under the empire than it had been during the revolution. And it was outlawed altogether in 1816. So in the book, I consider the legal status of commercial matchmakers in 19th century France and how this changed over time. I considered whether their practices were understood as violating the Civil Code, since the brokers tended to be viewed in court as these kind of self interested third parties who intervened inappropriately in people's marriages and corrupted the marriage bond with this profit motive. They were depicted by conservative critics as being these kind of shameful traffickers of marriage or these salespeople of marriage. And so in 1855, France's Supreme Court, the Corps de Cassacion, ruled against the matchmakers contract. And this was based on the argument that marriage was not a commercial contract. It was a contract that was separate from the marketplace. It was supposed to be a special sacred agreement for which all parties involved gave their consent. However, this ruling only targeted contracts that based their services on a percentage of the dowry, which foa very much did. But it did not make the practice of matchmaking illegal. Also, I argue it represented a reversal of judgments in the first half of the century that were really these rulings that were really made in favor of the marriage broker that recognized the utility of matchmaking for single professional men, not least of which were lawyers and judges. And so at stake in these judicial debates about matchmaking was not just the practice of marriage brokerage, but was the status of marriage itself. And so in the first half of the century, the legal community across France really lent its its support and authority to a new juridical vision of marriage as a kind of acceptable, acceptably commercial contract. And this is what unfolded during these debates. And this really countered the more conservative understanding of marriage as a separate bond, separate from other kind of business arrangements.
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B
Thank you doctor. Professor ANDREA Sure. This civil called actually part of what it entails is a system support photo matchmaking business for the institution itself. All right, now last question. While reading the book, I got to know that the book is a decade long project. If I may ask, what were the challenges and what kept you going?
- [43:21]
A
Yeah, well, I think that, you know, there were a variety of just kind of practical challenges and then some challenges with the approach that I wanted to take in doing the research. I've had a fairly heavy teaching load over the last 10 years. And also I did spend many years serving as the chair of our women and gender studies program at my college. I was also during that time serving as the faculty advisor to our student run women's center on campus. And they put on a lot of events. And so that was. I had a kind of heavy service load as well that delayed my progress a bit in my research. I guess the stickiest problem that I found was it was it's very difficult to get at the realities of the matchmaking trade or to know the kind of get the behind the scenes view. And that is largely because the office records of marriage brokers did not survive. That is partly due to the stigma and the silence that was surrounding the business. It's even harder to get at any reality involving the clients. And I struggled to decide how to approach those letters written reportedly by clients that V own published in the classifieds. And so figuring out how to analyze those in a way that really reflected the pressures of. Of the marriage market at the time, but also treated them as imaginative constructions by unknown authors was one of the most challenging parts of the the project. I decided in the end, to treat both the agents marketing scripts and these published letters by clients as media fictions. And I argue that V. And his fans and critics in the press tended to forge this kind of collective consumer imaginary around the matchmaking trade. And it was this kind of consumer imaginary that really shaped the industry itself. The matchmaking trade was built almost entirely on commodified stories of hope and fantasy, and I would argue that it still is.
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B
Those are the challenges you have. You eventually put yourself together, remitted, and at the end of the day, we have the book published. All right, that's impressive. It has been a great time having you here on the new book next to our professor, Andrea.
- [46:00]
A
Yes. Well, I would just. Thank you so much for agreeing to interview me. I really appreciate you.
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B
All right. We hope to see you again. Thank you.
- [46:09]
A
Okay, thank you.