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This is an iHeart podcast, Guaranteed Human
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this July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party hosted by America 250. America's Block Party is a can't miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum.
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Experience music, performances by major artists, patriotic tributes and the kickoff to giving 4th, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history.
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Child
mom, can I have Lingokids? Dad? Lingokids, please.
Parent
When did we become the Lingokids house?
Child
No idea. Last week it was dinosaurs. This week it's Lingokids.
Parent
Why Lingokids?
Newt Gingrich
Because it's the best thing ever.
Child
We can play games with astronauts, wild animals and superheroes.
Advertiser/Announcer
With more than 4,000 interactive games, songs and shows, LingoKids is the number one entertainment platform for young kids.
Child
So no dinosaurs and dinosaurs.
Jonathan Turley
Lingokids.
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Everything kids love.
Jonathan Turley
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Newt Gingrich
Welcome to New World Podcast on the iHeart Podcast Network. The greatest American inventions. Today, we're not talking about a device or a network or a machine. We're talking about a needle and the liquid it contained and the millions of children who held out their arms and were saved. The polio vaccine. If you were born after 1960, you probably never known anyone who had polio. That absence is itself the measure of this invention's success. But if you were born before 1955, you almost certainly remember what summers were like when polio was real. Swimming pools closed. Movie theaters emptied. Parents kept children indoors. The iron lung, a metal cylinder that breathed for you when the virus had paralyzed your respiratory muscles, was a fixture of hospital wards in 1952, the worst outbreak in American history. Nearly 58,000 cases. 3,000 dead. More than 21,000 paralyzed. Jonas Salk would Not accept this. Working at the University of Pittsburgh, he pursued what the scientific establishment considered the wrong approach. A killed virus vaccine using an activated polio virus that could not cause disease but would still trigger an immune response. The leading researchers of the day believed only a live, weakened virus could produce lasting immunity. Salk disagreed, and he was right. His approach was methodical and meticulous, identifying which strains were circulating, finding ways to grow the virus in sufficient quantities, killing it reliably without destroying its ability to provoke immunity. By 1953, he was confident enough to inoculate himself and his own family. In 1954, the largest clinical trial in American history, 1.8 million children called polio pioneers, received either the salt vaccine or a placebo. On April 12, 1955, 10 years the day after President Roosevelt's death, the results were announced in Ann Arbor. Safe and effective in some trials. 90% efficacy against paralytic polio. Church bells rang across the country. Strangers embraced schools, let children out early. President Eisenhower, a man who had commanded the allied forces in Europe and witnessed extraordinary things, reportedly broke down in tears when he met Salk at the White House. And then came the question every reporter wanted to ask. Who owns the patent on this Pexi? Salk looked puzzled. The people, he said, could you patent the sun? He had deliberately not patented the vaccine. He wanted it manufactured as widely and cheaply as possible, as quickly as possible. The royalties, had he patented, would have been worth billions. He gave it away. The results were swift and dramatic. 58,000 cases in 1952, fewer than 6,000 by 1957, fewer than 1,000 by 1961. Wild polio virus eliminated from the United States by 1979. Albert Sabin's oral vaccine, introduced in 1961, made immunization even easier. Taken on a sugar cube, no needle required, and accelerated the global campaign. Thanks to the Global Polio Eradication Initiative launched in 1988, wild polio virus has been driven to the very edge of extinction worldwide. Salk's decision not to patent the vaccine speaks to a tradition in American science that I find deeply important. There's always been a tension between the commercial and the philanthropic in American innovation. Both traditions are legitimate. The profit motive drives enormous amounts of research. But Salk represents something different. The scientist who sees his work as fundamentally in the service of humanity, who looks at a child in iron lung and does not calculate. A royalty who looks at the sun and says, you cannot own this. That tradition, the Land Grant University publicly funded research discoveries shared with the world, is also deeply American. Salk died in 1995, still a working scientist pursuing research into AIDS. And the children who held out their arms in 1954 are in their 70s and 80s now. Many walk without braces. Many breathe without machines. They got to grow up and have children and grandchildren because Jonas Salk decided he could not patent the sun. Next time, we move from medicine to military research into the night of October 29, 1969, when a graduate student typed two letters and accidentally changed the world. The Internet. Coming up. Our guest today is is one of the top legal minds in the United States, Jonathan Turley. He's joining me to discuss his new book, Rage and the the Unfinished Story of the American Revolution.
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This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party. Hosted by America250. America's Block Party is a can't miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum.
Child
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Parent
It's more than just fireworks.
Child
Join this landmark celebration and get your America's block party Tickets now for $17.76
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Cindy Crawford
hi, I'm Cindy Crawford, and I'm the founder of Meaningful Beauty. Well, I don't know about you, but, like, I never liked being told, oh, wow, you look so good for your age. Like, why even bother saying that? Why don't you just say you look great at any age? Every age. That's what Meaningful Beauty is all about. We create products that make you feel confident in your skin at the age you are now. Meaningful Beauty. Beautiful skin at every age. Learn more@meaningful beauty.com.
Child
Mom, can I have Lingokids?
Jonathan Turley
Dad, Lingokids, please.
Parent
When did we become the Lingokids house?
Child
No idea. Last week it was dinosaurs. This week it's Lingokids.
Parent
Why Lingokids?
Newt Gingrich
Because it's the best thing ever.
Child
We can play games with astronauts, wild animals and superheroes.
Advertiser/Announcer
With more than 4,000 interactive games, songs and shows, LingoKids is the number one entertainment platform for young kids.
Child
So no dinosaurs and dinosaurs.
Jonathan Turley
Lingokids.
Parent
Everything kids love, download it for free.
Newt Gingrich
Jonathan Turley. He is a law professor, columnist, television analyst, litigator, and I have to say, I cherish him as a friend. He's just a remarkable human being. Since 1998. He's held the Shapiro Chair for Public Interest Law at George Washington University Law School. He has served as counsel in some of the most notable cases in the last two decades. He's testified before Congress over 100 times, including during the impeachments of President Bill Clinton and Donald Trump. He has written for the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and USA Today. And I can tell you, Jonathan Turley is one of the people. When he writes a column, I read it. I don't care what it's about because I know that I will learn something and that he'll be approaching it in a unique way. Jonathan, welcome and thank you for joining me again on Newts World.
Jonathan Turley
It is such a pleasure to be with you, my friend. When I was writing this book, I would think occasionally this has to pass muster with Newt because you are one of the really most profound writers on the US Constitution, our history. And so I'm so glad to be able to talk to you the week that the book is being released.
Newt Gingrich
Congratulations. I understand the Rage and the Republic is already a bestseller. That's terrific.
Jonathan Turley
I'm delighted by it. The funny thing about this book is that, as you know, Newt, you tend to invest yourself in these books. But I have never been more engrossed in a project, and part of it was that I tell the story of the American Revolution, particularly in the first half, which looks back at who we are and how we got here through the eyes of Thomas Paine, who was, hands down, the most interesting historical figure I have ever researched. I drove my kids crazy for five years just digging up things about Thomas Paine. But what was really inspiring about Paine is that he came to this country two years before the Declaration of Independence, and when he landed in Philadelphia, he was a wreck. He had to be carried off the ship, and he had had a strange encounter in London. He had failed in everything in his life. He had been fired from every job. His marriages had failed. He was penniless, he was unkept. And he finally met this individual in London who saw something in that pile of wreckage, and that was Benjamin Franklin. And Franklin sent him to the United States and told him, you need to write. Within two years of his landing, he was called the penman of the Revolution. Even his critics, like John Adams, who was a bit jealous because of his rocketing fame with common sense, was asked, who was this anonymous writer? By his wife, and he said, it wasn't me, he said, but I think I know who it was. There's a man named Thomas Paine. And he described a meeting where he said, he's a man with genius in his eyes. And that was very true. Paine knew what it took to bring a people to revolution. It was James Madison who I also talk about, who knew what it took to take a revolution and turn it into a republic.
Newt Gingrich
I was thinking the other day about Paine, we ought to reproduce common sense and send it all over the world as our answer to all these dictatorships.
Jonathan Turley
Yeah, he was a beautiful writer, but he wrote in a way. His prose was penetrating for most Americans, and it was the first best seller. In fact, he did not make money on his very successful books because he kept the prices low so that he could make sure people could buy it. And he donated most of the money to the revolutionary cause. But what makes him fascinating from my book is that he was one of two figures who played a critical role in both the American and French revolutions, the other being Lafayette. And Paine was different from Madison, and that Paine wanted more direct democracy. He didn't like Madison's precautions. And when he went to France, he really did push for more of that general will that Rousseau talked about, that direct democratic impulse. And it came damn near to killing him. He came within a day of being guillotined. He was saved only by accident that a number was written on his door at the Luxembourg prison, that all four people in his cell were to be executed. But because Payne was ill, the door was open to let Aaron. So when they came to collect everyone to be guillotined, they never saw the number. That's the only reason Thomas Paine lived and survived the French Revolution.
Newt Gingrich
You talk about the fact that the American Republic was born in rage, which I think is a very interesting concept and very different from a lot of the documentaries. What do you mean by that?
Jonathan Turley
Well, you know, like most countries, we are the product of revolution, and we are the product of rage. The Boston Tea Party was rage, after all. And that's part of the human reality that is it takes a lot to bring a people to rebellion. It takes rage. The challenge is to convert that rage into something productive. It's very easy to start a revolution when rage is high. It's much harder to end one. And so that's the reason I compare Philadelphia and Paris as a tale of two cities where violence was again occurring in Philadelphia after the Revolution. At the same time, Paris was erupting into violence, but in Philadelphia, it stopped almost on a dime. And one of the reasons was the ratification of The US Constitution. Suddenly people had a way to venture that anger, that rage, to convert it into something in Paris where they didn't have those precautions, it became a bloodletting known as the Terror. And what I opened the book with is a statement from one of these French figures who remarked he was one of the few to survive. That revolution is like Saturn, it devours its own. He was one of the last people standing. And Paine also made reference to that mythological story, and it's true. The mountain, as it was called. Those Jacobins, you know, Robespierre, Marat, that I talk about in the book, they were all guillotined. One after another, they were devoured. But the United States became the most stable, successful democracy in history. So the question the book raises is why? Why was this a unique republic? And what can we learn from that? Looking at the 21st century, where we are about to encounter challenges that we have never seen before.
Newt Gingrich
Before we get to the challenges, one of them, I think, is that in some polls, 63% of Americans say they have little or no trust in the political system. Isn't that extraordinarily dangerous for our survival?
Jonathan Turley
It is. And you're quite right, Newt. The book talks about the rise of what I call the new Jacobins. And like the old Jacobins, the originals, they're not the proletariat. The Jacobins in the French Revolution were professors, journalists, aristocrats. They were part of the establishment and they ultimately, many of them executed themselves, as I noted. But the new Jacobins look a lot like those original models. You know that we have the dean of Berkeley Law School saying that the Constitution is a failure. We have law professors saying that we have to trash the Constitution. One of my colleagues is pushing to amend the First Amendment because she says it's aggressively individualistic, which of course is true. The thing of what people have to remember about the American Revolution is it was the first Enlightenment revolution. That's why people were so captivated by it. That's why books that appeared in Europe often described Americans like we were a new species of humanity. Because after all, we didn't have any shared land, culture, religion. We had a legacy of ideas, Enlightenment ideas that individual rights belong to us as a gift from God, not from the government.
Newt Gingrich
You make a point that the Declaration of independence in 1320 words shatters the entire structure of earth based authority and refers to our rights coming from our Creator. To what extent do you think that moved across the planet and inspired people?
Jonathan Turley
Well, it certainly inspired it at the time. I quote one Frenchman who wrote a very popular book. He wrote under the name named Farmer John, and he had a farm in the United States, and he used it to describe what was happening. And these copies of his book were snatched up all throughout Europe. But one line really struck me the most, and I quoted a great deal in the book. He said, what then is this American? And that really was the question everyone was asking, what then is this American? Who are these people who think that they can create a republic based on natural rights? They were fascinated by us and inspired by us. The French were. Paine was given French citizenship. So was Washington, so was Madison. But what the French could not tolerate was the limits on democratic power. The framers were insistent that they didn't want Athenian democracy. Athenian democracy was a failure. It ultimately resulted in tyranny. They did not want that. They saw direct democracy as nothing but a mobocracy, as one said, or democratic despotism. So they created these limits as a protection of liberty. That's what the French refused to accept, and that's what led to the Terror.
Parent
This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party. Hosted by America250. America's Block Party is a can't miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum.
Child
Experience music, performances by major artists, patriotic tributes, and the kickoff to giving 4th, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history.
Parent
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Cindy Crawford
hi, I'm Cindy Crawford and I'm the founder of Meaningful Beauty. Well, I don't know about you, but, like, I never liked being told, oh, wow, you look so good for your age. Like, why even bother saying that? Why don't you just say you look great at any age? Every age. That's what meaningful Beauty is all about. We create products that make you feel confident in your skin at the age you are now. Meaningful Beauty. Beautiful skin at every age. Learn more@meaningful beauty.com.
Child
Mom, can I have lingokids?
Jonathan Turley
Dad, Lingokids, please.
Parent
When did we become the Lingokids house?
Child
No idea. Last week it was dinosaurs. This week it's Lingokids.
Parent
Why lingokids?
Newt Gingrich
Because it's the best thing ever.
Child
We can play games with astronauts, wild animals and superheroes.
Advertiser/Announcer
With more than 4,000 interactive games, songs and shows, LingoKids is the number one entertainment platform for young kids.
Child
So no dinosaurs and dinosaurs, Lingokids.
Parent
Everything kids love, download it for free.
Newt Gingrich
It seems to me that part of it is. Our founding fathers had a real belief that being human, it's not something you could change dramatically, unlike Soviet man or Nazi man, or for that matter, French Revolution man. That they were accepting all the strengths and weaknesses of people and then trying to develop a machine of government that would protect them from themselves by making it almost impossible for a dictator to make the system work by making it so unbelievably complicated.
Jonathan Turley
There's so much truth in that. The interesting thing about James Madison, I'm considered a Madisonian scholar, even though I've become infatuated with Paine. But the thing about Madison is I always chafe a bit when people refer to him as a cynic. He wasn't. In many ways, he might have been the greatest optimist. He accepted us for who we are. Both Montesquieu and Madison said, if you want to create a government, you have to start with understanding what a human is. Madison understood that. He particularly understood that in saying that we naturally form factions, we naturally form groups around people like ourselves, and those factions can destroy you unless they have a way of expression where they can have a resolution of their complaints. That's what Madison created. So we have this madness. All of this goes into the center of the legislative branch and it beats around in there with different people, with different constituencies and different entities, interests. And what comes out is a majoritarian compromise. It's not in any way neat and it's not often nice to look at. Tocqueville himself said, you know, it's a very strange thing to watch. Americans, they go in every direction, but somehow they seem to get from A to Z faster than any other country.
Newt Gingrich
Tocqueville, in that sense, was kind of overwhelmed by us. Almost like one of those science fiction movies where he found himself dropped into a society so dramatically different, so energetic, so decentralized, and so self initiated that compared to the aristocratic world he came out of in Europe, it's almost like he's disoriented half the time trying to figure out how does this work.
Jonathan Turley
I think that's true. You know, it's sort of like what Locke said, that in the beginning, all the world was America. To paraphrase his statement, there was this feeling that this was not just a new world in terms of territory that it was a new world in terms of humanity. We weren't subject to those calcified class barriers that existed in Europe. People came here to reinvent themselves. Thomas Paine is the best example of that. He was a human wreck. He had failed in everything. He came to these shores and to reinvent himself. What he found out was the most valuable thing he had was in his head, his ability to write. And within two years, showing the prospect of opportunity, within two years, Common Sense would be the world's first best seller and he would be the penman of a revolution.
Newt Gingrich
Paine writes this amazing common sense. The country's on fire. And then gradually reality sets in. The British army is the most powerful military in the world. They do start grinding us down. And Washington realizes that the optimism of Common Sense won't carry us through the war, that we need somebody to explain why it isn't working. And he runs into. On the long retreat from New York towards Philadelphia, he runs into Payne, who is marching in the army as a rifleman, and he says, I don't need you as a rifleman. I need you to explain to us why this is so hard. And so he basically sends him onward ahead of the rest of the army, and he goes to Philadelphia and he writes the Crisis. These are the times that try men's souls. And the Crisis is his effort. And I think it's the combination of the two books that makes him such a giant in terms of the rise of liberty in America, because the Crisis helps people realize, yeah, it's going to be hard, but we can do it.
Jonathan Turley
I think that's very true. It's funny because Paine was never really accepted by most of the Founders class. They preferred someone like Jefferson. So do historians. Jefferson was tall and handsome, erudite. He was a landowner. He was a slave owner. Paine was none of those things, including being fervently against slavery. He was also, quite frankly, a drunkard. He had tended to have fights with everyone that he came about in a pub. But he had this ability to write beautifully, to speak for a nation. Newt One of the interesting things about the book is I trace him, his life, all the way through these revolutions, all the way to the end of his life. Probably the lowest moment came in Luxembourg in the prison, because he felt that Washington had abandoned him. And it was a very telling series of letters because Paine was not very successful on human relationships. He seemed clueless about humans, but brilliant about humanity. It's sort of an odd combination, but the one person that he seemed to have A deep attachment to was Washington, who I think he felt almost a father relationship. He was always there for Washington and he felt that Washington had abandoned him in that prison. And when he was facing the possible end of his life, ultimately he was spared. But it was one of the most personal moments of pain where you really got a glimpse into him. There was a deep wounding that he felt.
Newt Gingrich
Well, I think he had a very difficult life, partially because he was a very difficult person and partially because the Founding fathers are trying to create a structured revolution. Paine's actually against the structure. He's for the revolution, he's not for the structure. That's true.
Jonathan Turley
I am a fanatic about film noir. It drives my children crazy. I only watch black and white film noir all day long. I have had something playing in the background. So truly my children are pushed to the point of insanity. But my favorite line from a film noir came in a Fred Murray picture and I mention it in the book about pain. And Fred Murray is in this scene with the ultimate femme fatale, which he has spent the night with, and then realizes that she has betrayed him like her husband once again. And he goes to the door and turns around and delivers the best line ever made in a film noir movie. He says, you know, I love you so much. I only wish I liked you. And with Thomas Paine, this sort of sums up those of us who love Thomas Paine. It's just really hard to like him, right?
Newt Gingrich
Oh, I think that's exactly right. He would always be better in the abstract.
Jonathan Turley
Well, that's what Benjamin Franklin's daughter said. She said it would have been so much better if you had died after common sense. And I point out in the book this was one of his friends. So, you know, this was not a critic, she meant it.
Newt Gingrich
And of course she was exactly wrong because the crisis in many ways is as important as common sense and that it sustains the morale. People forget this is an eight year long war. You wrote something fascinating the other day in the Hill entitled the Remaking of Alex Pretty. What motivated you to write that and what were you trying to.
Jonathan Turley
It's interesting because in that column I actually do refer to the rage in the Republic because there are similarities. I talk about in the book, how many of the Jacobins, including the artist David, really sort of created these abstract, perfect heroes. Including, if you look at David's painting, which I have in the book of Murat's death, it's called the Death of Murat. Now, Marat was one of the most blood soaked tyrants in history. He relished sending people to the guillotine. He was assassinated by this beautiful woman by the name of Corday. And the trial of Corday became a turning point against the Jacobins, against the mountain, against Robespierre. But the painting shows Marat not covered with sores, which he was because he had a rare skin condition. But is this alabaster, almost Pieta in his bathtub where he was killed? The same thing happens in our times that many of the people today who are calling for radical changes, including socialism, communism, the dumping of the American Constitution, they're cut out of the same bolt as some of those Jacobins. As I mentioned, what's interesting about Preddy is that we've had these recent sort of a modern version of David where his image was enhanced by AI to make him look more handsome. And Dick Durbin on the Senate floor was accused of using an enhanced AI image that made it look like he was executed with a coup de grace to the head. All of that is very familiar during these periods where imperfect times demand perfect heroes. And the fact is, there was no one perfect that day. There never is. Police shootings are never perfect. But there's this need to make that perfect hero. What concerns me about what we're seeing in places like Minneapolis is it is very familiar. If you read this section on Philadelphia in Rage in the Republic, it will read a lot like Minneapolis. Some of the same voices, some of the same demands are being heard and we saw much of the same violence.
Parent
This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party. Hosted by America 250, America's Block Party is a can't miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum.
Child
Experience music, performances by major artists, patriotic tributes and the kickoff to giving 4th, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history.
Parent
It's more than just fireworks.
Child
Join this landmark celebration and get your America's Block Party Tickets now for $17.76
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Child
mom and dad living in Orange county, when we bring my five and seven year old to visit, we are sometimes in for a two hour drive that could feel like 10.
Jonathan Turley
Oh, as an avid camper, I know all about this. We'll pack up the RV and know this is either going to be the trip of a lifetime or a complete disaster.
Child
Which is why we load up the iPads with Lingokids before we even pull out of the driveway.
Jonathan Turley
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Child
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Jonathan Turley
Or really any ride, plane, train, hovercraft, whatever.
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Jonathan Turley
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Newt Gingrich
You're really drawing. I think a grim lesson for most of us that is that the French Revolution was passion unbound. And that passion unbound multiplies itself and becomes more and more and more dangerous and more and more self cannibalizing. And what you had with the Americans was in fact the Constitution's written in part in response to Shays Rebellion because the moneyed class who are the dominant figures really don't want to go towards a French revolutionary future. They want to go towards a structured environment in which people can be free but not be endangered, if that makes any sense.
Jonathan Turley
No, it does make sense, and that's a critical part of the book. That what concerns me is that we are looking at challenges in this century where we are going to need those values that made this republic such a success. It is an irony that many of these law professors and pundits are calling for the removal of the very precautions that were central to our success. And if they are lifted, we will go the way of the French Revolution. But I'm actually very optimistic that we can actually come out of this stronger. But we have to still answer that same question that was asked to us by that Frenchman. What then is the American? Who are we? Not just back then, but now? If we can answer that question, then AI and robotics and global governance are not going to be as great a challenge as. But if you look at places like the EU, I have less optimism that the EU will survive this process. In fact, I consider EU a great threat. I consider EU heading very much towards where we saw in the 18th century in France.
Newt Gingrich
The European Union has gone down a road of bureaucratism and the elite's deliberately keeping a lid on the populace by a variety of devices, so that over time, you have almost a process of hardening of the arteries as Brussels is more and more out of touch with popular sentiment and as the bureaucracy is less and less able to modernize and therefore can't deliver the goods and services that are necessary for people to be comfortable with the government. I mean, I don't see, frankly, how they get off this track.
Jonathan Turley
Nor do I. I was talking about this book months ago in Prague, and one of the audience members, there's a lot of EU people there, said, you seem very optimistic about the United States, but not so much the eu, European Union. And I said, that's correct, because you've destroyed the very values that this book talks about. You have removed the democratic process from individual citizens. My book talks about how all rights are local, just like politics, that the framers knew that you needed to hold rights the closest. That's why the federalism system was so important. That has all been lost. They have burned away the very structure that they will need to get through this. What I talk about in the book is that the combination of robotics and AI are going to result in massive unemployment. Now, that doesn't mean that that will be permanent, but there will be a large number of people who are unlikely to get jobs. We've never faced a population that large. Capitalism then adjusts and finds what I call homocentric jobs and enterprises that people can do. But that is a challenge for us. The difference about this book is that there's a lot of books talking about the estimate of unemployment that will come from AI and robotics. This book looks at even taking the most conservative estimate on that. How will that change the citizen? If we have a large number of people who are supported by the government, how does that change their relationship to the government? We can't have a kept citizenry, as I say in the book. And you can't have an arts and crafts citizenry. You can't have the government just paying you to entertain yourself. It's very important for people to be productive to self realize, much like Thomas Paine did. And so the book explores ways that we can preserve that. And one of the ways we do that is what I call a liberty enhancing economy. This book makes an unabashed case for capitalism. And what people don't understand is that the same year as our Declaration of Independence, Adam Smith published Wealth of Nations. This is also the 250th anniversary of that book. And it did not go over well in Great Britain, but it was a huge success here because the founders recognized that his economic theory was the perfect companion for our political theory. They realized that you could couldn't be truly free, you couldn't truly have liberty unless you were economically independent.
Newt Gingrich
I think you're going to see enormous stress in the European Union over the next few years with almost no mechanisms for dealing with it. I have to ask you, to what extent do you see Mandami and the rise of socialism as a threat here in the United States?
Jonathan Turley
Well, I spent a lot of time in raging the Republic talking about the rise in popularity of socialism and communism. It's largely among younger Americans and Europeans, people who don't have any experience or memory of the collapse of socialist systems in the 20th century. And so what they have is the sound bites from people like Mandami. They come right out of some Marxist 101 college course about the warmth of socialism and the compassion of socialism. How we just have government stores, all of which failed in a spectacular fashion. And you have people like Bernie Sanders. You know, it's interesting, I talk about Mittherrand in France who destroyed the French economy. But he was able to get there by promising that people didn't have to really work that much anymore. He even appointed a, a Minister of leisure. He actually appointed a minister who would help the French engage in leisure, which is one thing I don't think the French need any help on. And of course, the economy collapsed.
Newt Gingrich
Right.
Jonathan Turley
But the year that he went into office, an unknown socialist named Bernie Sanders was elected mayor of Burlington. Well, you can be a socialist in Burlington if you keep it small enough, you can eke by. But what Sanders talks about is the Scandinavian model of socialism. And I go into it in rage in the Republic saying that it's a complete myth. And the Scandinavians have said that. So all of the countries he's pointing to, you've got ministers saying, we're not socialists, we're ardent capitalists. But that type of mythology we have to be able to deal with. And that's the reason, by the way, I'm a big these Trump accounts, they are very significant in that you're taking millions of people and giving them not some abstraction like wealth of nations, but an actual account to see how individual investment and savings can make your life better.
Newt Gingrich
It's amazing that Michael and Susan Dell, celebrating the extraordinary milestone for Trump accounts, put up $6,250,000,000 in a charitable commitment from them personally. Let me ask one last thing, which is here we are on our 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. In a way, that was the revolutionary movement, but we actually, it seems to me, annually produce our own revolutionary moment where the most continuously evolving system in history. I mean, what is your take at 250 years?
Jonathan Turley
We know this book is pretty much about the 250th anniversary and looking back at who we were, but who we are. And the book goes through the challenges that we're facing and it makes it clear these are revolutionary times. We've never encountered what's coming and that is the combination of robotics and AI as well as global governance systems. So these are revolutionary times, but we are a revolutionary people. That's why we have an answer as to what then does this American we are something special. And I think that the key for those of us who love this country, particularly on its anniversary, have got to remind our friends as who we are, what we have to offer the world.
Newt Gingrich
So I think in that concept, like you, I am a proud American patriot. It seems to me that everyday folks have a greater chance to rise, a greater chance to create, a greater chance to invent in the United States than anywhere in the history of the human race. And I have to say, it's great timing. I'm sure it's relatively well planned because I know you. I think the rage in the Republic has come out at exactly the right moment to give us a deep sense of the passions which, when controlled, led to ongoing freedom for more people than ever in human history. And in that sense, our ability to manage rage within the Republic probably keeps us endlessly new.
Jonathan Turley
That is very true, Newt. And you've played such a significant role in that history. And for many of us who've been your friends for so long, you have been a North Star for many of us in reminding what we are, who we are, and what we can still be as a people.
Newt Gingrich
Well, I just want to thank you. This is a great conversation, as I knew it would be. Every time I'm with you, I'm struck with how erudite you are, how thoughtful you are. Our listeners can follow the work you're doing by visiting your website, jonathanturley.org or following you on X at Jonathan Turley. In addition, they can pick up a copy of Rage in the Republic and continue its bestseller career. So thank you for being with me.
Jonathan Turley
Thank you, Newt.
Newt Gingrich
Thank you to my guest, Jonathan Turley. Newt's World is produced by Gingerbread 60 and iHeartMedia. Our executive producer is Garnzi Sloan. Our researcher is Rachel Peterson. The artwork for the show was created by Steve Pendley. Special thanks to the team at Gingrich 360. If you've been enjoying Newtsworld, I hope you'll go to Apple Podcast and both rate us with five stars and give us a review so others can learn what it's all about. Join me on substack@gingrich360.net I'm Newt Gingrich. This is neutral.
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Podcast: Newt's World
Host: Newt Gingrich
Guest: Jonathan Turley
Date: June 25, 2026
This episode of Newt’s World centers on the themes of revolution, rage, and republicanism in America, inspired by Jonathan Turley’s new book, "Rage and the Republic: The Unfinished Story of the American Revolution." Newt Gingrich and Turley explore the origins of the American republic, drawing contrasts with the French Revolution, analyzing today’s political and societal challenges, and discussing how the American system’s unique handling of rage and dissent fostered lasting democracy. The discussion weaves the stories of Thomas Paine, James Madison, and other key figures with reflections on present-day challenges—especially the threats of populism, technocracy, socialism, and the transformative role of technology.
The Nature of Revolutionary Rage
Contrasting Philadelphia and Paris
Paine’s Journey and Influence
Paine vs. Madison: The Limits of Democracy
Paine’s Human Complexity
Declaration of Independence as World-shaking Document
Unique American System
Crisis of Trust & Modern Jacobins
Dangers of Abandoning Constitutional Precautions
American Flexibility and the Challenge of the 21st Century
European Union vs. American Federalism
Technological Disruption
The Myth of Scandinavian Socialism
Capitalism and Liberty
On the Core of the Revolution:
On American Exceptionalism:
On the Limits of Democracy:
On the Personality of Thomas Paine:
On Contemporary Threats:
On American Resilience:
This conversation is a sweeping reflection on revolution, the resilience of the American system, and the lessons from the past that remain vital as America turns 250. Turley warns that forgetting the reasoned design of America's founders could doom the nation to repeat historical tragedies, while both he and Gingrich express optimism that the republic can adapt to new challenges—so long as it remembers its core values and institutions. Turley’s book, Rage and the Republic, emerges as not just a historical study, but a timely argument for the enduring power of the American experiment.
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