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Hey guys. Today's show is brought to you by yocratum.com home of the $60 kilo, long time sponsor of the podcast. If you are an adult over the age of 21 and you enjoy Kratom, make sure to get your kratom from yo kratom.com it's delivered right to your door. It's third party tested for purity and it is the best price you will find anywhere in the business. Only $60 for a kilo. Yom.com all right, let's start today's show. What's up? What's up, everybody? Welcome to a brand new episode of Part of the Problem. I am Dave Smith. I am rolling solo for this episode. Thank you guys so much for, for joining. I really appreciate it. I've got some stuff that's on my mind that I thought I would, I would rant about today. And it's something that I've been, you know, I've talked a bit about this over the last week and you know, we talked a bit on the members only stream about it yesterday. By the way, for those of you guys who don't know, we do a fourth episode every week that's just for subscribers over@partoftheproblem.com if you'd like to get that, go sign up over there. We would very much appreciate that helps the show out. But so we were talking a bit yesterday about the, the firing of Jimmy Kimmel and a little bit of a larger conversation about free speech. And you know, there's been, over the last week, there's been all types of these topics have been coming up with, you know, first of all, the fact that Charlie Kirk, you know, stood for free speech so much and that he was executed for that and in many ways for that. And then there's been conversations about people getting fired for the Tik Tok videos that they make celebrating it. And now this Jimmy Kimmel one has really been kind of the, the, the biggest example in all of this. And then there's another interesting angle because of course, the, the chairman of the FCC really blatantly threatened ABC before they fired Jimmy Kimmel. And so it's a little, it just adds in, you know, other elements. And now there's a big conversation raging about, you know, right wing cancel culture, free speech, government intervention, hypocrisy of the people who have been opposed to cancel culture now celebrating it. And there's a lot, a lot of different people are giving their takes on this. And I just want to say I think I I think I have a little bit of a different take. The more I've been thinking about this than, than anyone else I've seen so far. Perhaps I'm wrong, but I think than anyone I've seen so far. In other words, this, this rant is, is guaranteed to satisfy no one, but I still think it's important. So let me go in saying that, and I would, I would preface the entire thing by saying I'm not like on this, on this episode, I'm not trying to convince you of anything. I'm not trying to, as I often am. But on this one, I'm not, I'm not trying to convince you that I'm right and you're wrong or this is the correct way to think about it and this is the incorrect way to think about it. I'm not trying to sell you on anything today. I'm trying to give you something to play with and give you something to grapple with and kind of maybe know, perhaps think about these things in a, in a different way. You know, it's, it's kind of interesting, I guess, for, for libertarians like myself, when there are these moments when all of all of a sudden, out of nowhere, it seems like normies care about talking about our values. This only, almost always, only happens when liberals are attempting to use your own values against you. So, you know, when, you know, this happens a lot, like when, whenever there's like a liberal who's threatened by cancel culture, they immediately go, oh, free speech. You, you know, you don't believe in government intervention or something like that. It's in the same sense, like when they're, when they're standing up for, you know, abortion, they say, my body, my choice. They make like a libertarian appeal, but they only care about it as far as it serves their interests. And then obviously they will abandon that. But, you know, it's. You'd literally, I remember hearing pro choice activists say my body, my choice, as they supported vax mandates in the middle of the pandemic. It doesn't, it doesn't bother them that they're being hypocritical because they're just attempting to manipulate you. And I guess I would start by saying this kind of like to zoom out about the moment that we're in right now, which is particularly what's, what's kind of appalling to me about the liberals who are, like, trying to needle right wingers for celebrating Jimmy Kimmel being fired or for celebrating, you know, even just people who got, like, lost their job for making TikTok videos and stuff like that. And I don't know, I think it's, it's worth saying at the beginning of this that, like, the way I see things in the big picture here is that the most remarkable part of say, the last week, let's say, since Charlie Kirk's, you know, assassination, the most amazing part of all of this is that there's been no violent retaliation. And that's really great. It gets really, really good. That was like the most important, it was the most dangerous part of this moment and the, the biggest potential for disaster and escalation. And there's been no retaliation. And right wing America, broadly speaking, deserves a lot of credit for that. A lot of credit for that. You know, there's been a lot of, you know, influential right wing people who have encouraged, calm and, and discouraged any type of retaliation. And there's also just, you know, there's a, obviously, like Christianity is a major force in the right wing in the United States of America and whatever else, you know, is everybody involved in not having a violent response to this deserves a lot of credit. And so like, in this moment when there's like tremendous anger, tremendous frustration, tremendous pain on the right wing in America, the fact that there hasn't been any type of violent response, it should be, I think, applauded. And instead the reaction is like to be mad at them for, for celebrating the fact that this disgusting Jimmy Kimmel got kicked off of the air. And I just think that's an unreasonable, like, standard to place on right wing America. I mean, look, dude, when, when George Floyd got killed there, there were billions of dollars in property damage done as a response and dozens of people were killed and hundreds at least were assaulted and, you know, injured and things like that. There's a lot of violence in response to that. There's been none in response to Charlie Kirk. And Charlie Kirk was not like a career criminal who died by some freak thing where, like, I feel, I know there's, we're not even going to get into that. I know there's the competing autopsy reports and there's all these other things and you could feel, however you feel about a cop putting his knee on a guy's neck and all of that. But like, if a cop did that to a hundred people in a row, it is unlikely that anyone would die from it. Like, it's, it's a little bit of a freak thing that like, that would end up killing you. Again, not saying you should do that or nothing like that, not saying I want anyone to do that to me or I want to do that to anyone else. But, like, what you had was like a career criminal, a man who had, like, what was it he had, like, robbed a pregnant woman or something like that. And, you know, like, no, okay. By the way, none of that means you should be mistreated by a cop or anything, but, like, the point is that Charlie Kirk never did nothing like that. Kirk was just a Christian who liked to go to college campuses and talk. And he didn't like, happen to die by something that normally won't kill you, was executed by something that will kill you 100% of the time. And so, like, just saying the fact that there's been no violence in response, you'd think that ought to be something that would, you know, like, be at the top of everyone's list. Like, okay, that's the most important thing. Kudos for that. But that's not what's going on here. And instead, this seems to be an attempt to had a rallying cry of like, oh, Jimmy Kimmel was a victim. You know, he's a free speech warrior who was like, persecuted for, you know, standing up to the regime or something like that. And, you know, like Stephen Colbert, he said the other day, we are all Jimmy Kimmel now. Which is really. I mean, there is something to that. Like, I was making this point on the members only stream yesterday, but, like, that's your comment. We're all Jimmy Kimmel now. Not we're all Charlie Kirk. We're all Jimmy Kimmel. Like, you see that as the most egregious violation of free speech in the last week. Because I thought it was the guy who went to college campuses to talk about ideas and got executed. Hey, guys. This episode is brought to you by Prize Picks. You and I make decisions every day, but on prize Picks, we being right, can get you paid. Don't miss any of the excitement this season on Prize picks, where it's good to be right. It's very easy to play. 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Anyway, I want to talk a little bit about, you know, like, how, how I, how I think about these things. And again, this is like when I was saying I'm not like, trying to sell you, I'm just trying to give you this to kick around and see what you think. Because often I think for, for people like in the, the position I'm in, whatever that is, you know, podcaster or pundit, commentator, oftentimes we tend to think that, where our views on policy are the most important thing. Whereas I think that typically for, for podcasters or pundits or whatever, actually, just like the way you're thinking about things is the most important thing. The, the kind of, the way you're thinking about things, the way you, you talk about things with other people, the way you get people thinking about things is actually much more important than even, like, what policy you stand for. Because, like, if we're being honest here, we're, we're not in the business of making policy that doesn't really matter, but we are in the business of getting people to think about things. And so, like, that's actually what you're doing here. So in some ways that's more important now, by the way, to protect my libertarian street cred here. And I don't, you know, I mean this, I'm not saying it just to protect that, but just to be clear here, I'm against the FCC existing. I'm against the FCC threatening companies. I think it was, I think it was counterproductive and just wrong and incredibly stupid for the FCC chair to start threatening ABC the way that he did there. And I think in some ways it takes away what otherwise would be a win for, for the right wingers. It's almost like, it's almost like cheating at a game that you can win straight up. And you're so like, you're, in a sense, you're like, oh, but if I cheat, then I just, I just took that away from myself from getting the clean win, and now everyone can see that and point to the fact that you cheated, and it almost doesn't count. Same way you should have. Just let me get the win. That's kind of how I feel about this whole thing. But I don't necessarily agree with some other libertarians who, in a sense, are arguing like, that Jimmy Kimmel's free speech is being violated here. And this might. This might upset some people when I say this, but I'll kind of try to explain my thinking about this once again. I'm not exactly trying to convince you. I'm more just trying to, you know, let's think about things like this together. But I. I would say that. That Jimmy Kimmel is in. In effect, in function. He's a part of the regime, and he has been for a long time now. And I just view things differently. I don't view the regime as having rights the way all the rest of us do. I think that there's. Okay, like, almost if you could imagine if you. If you kidnapped a child, right, and then someone stole that child from you, like, have you been victimized? Like, obviously the answer is no, right? Like, even though, like, a child was taken from you, it wasn't your child to begin with. And so you're not the victim here. You joined the criminal kidnapper class, and now someone else in the criminal kidnapper class outcriminaled you. But I don't care, like, you're not a victim anymore in this game because you already crossed that line. And in the same sense where, like, if you were somebody who say, like, against murder, you know, as. As most of us should be. But, like, it's like, if the Bloods and the Crips start killing each other, it's not the same thing as, if the Bloods just start killing innocent people like that. That's different. Two gangs fighting it out is a little bit different than gangs terrorizing innocent people. And I almost kind of view things like that, like, in a sense where this is two gangs who I don't like, who are fighting it out. But in that case, you. You want to think more about being strategic than any moral, you know, any moral consideration. If there's two groups of killers who are killing each other, and, like, say one of the groups of killers has vowed that, you know, once they're done killing this gang, they'll stop the killing. And the other one says, as soon as we're done killing this gang, we're going to kill all the rest of you guys. So we might root for this one gang because, like, there's no principle really involved anymore. It's all killers at this point. And I don't just like. I'm not just randomly assigning like regime to Jimmy Kimmel. I think it's. I think he joined the regime a long time ago. And in fact, I think that for anybody, not just libertarians, but for anybody who's like, opposed to the current regime, it's important to think about things this way. You know, I remember. So this must. Man, this must be back in like 2010 or something like that. It's like shortly after I got into all this political stuff and the Ron Paul revolution blew my mind and I started like going down the rabbit hole and reading all types of radical political books and stuff. So it's like right in the first couple years while I was in that. And there was like. It was the School Sucks podcast. Brett. Oh, man, I apologize because I really liked those guys. I think they started. Stopped doing the podcast. But it was Brett. That their verat Verati or something. I'm blanking, I'm butchering your last name. I apologize, Brett, if you're listening. And I know Brett, but so they had this. There was this show called the School Sucks Podcast. And this was early in the Internet. You know, this is. This is whatever, 15 years ago or something and maybe even a little more. I might be a little off in these dates, but it's around there like somewhere around 2010. But they had like a viral video, which, you know, I don't even know, like, if I don't even know what the numbers were back then. But it might have been like, you know, the YouTube and all these things were just not as big. And so the video might have had a couple hundred thousand views on it, but we were all like, yeah, oh my God, this thing is. God is taken off. So many people are. Are here. It's just like. Was a different. It's a different world. But this video blew my mind. And it did that. It did this for a lot of people because it was like a little viral sensation. But I remember, like being so interested in this and then it was one of those moments where, where I was like, wait, that can't be true. And then I was like, I gotta go read about this. It turns out it's all true. But anyway, so the. I probably mentioned this over the years because I just. I find this stuff so interesting. This was like a real like red pill moment for me when I didn't know anything about this. But basically what he was talking about was how, you know, I Think the subject of the video was like, about his interest in the rise of the Nazis. And he was like, how the hell did this happen to Germany? And like, okay, there's all these parts to the story, but here's one part that rarely ever comes up. And so about a hundred years before the rise of, of the National Socialists Workers Party, they are, it was the Prussian Empire. This is the geographic and and cultural precursor to Nazi Germany. You know, this was the, the Prussian Empire was the, the Second Reich. So Adolf Hitler is trying to start the Third Reich. This is the Second Reich that came immediately before the second great German Empire. And the Prussians were having a big problem where their, their soldiers, you know, their King's army or conscripted, you know, soldiers, the, they would do these crazy things like run away or like piss themselves and then get killed on the battlefield or refuse to fight, like all these different things. This was like a major problem for the Prussian elites. And they ultimately came up with a solution for the problem. And their solution was that they would start what became known as school. And the idea was that they would get your kids at a really young age and school them to be loyal subjects of the King. And so by the time they were 17, 18 years old, they had been totally propagandized by the government and they would be loyal subjects to the King and go fight in his wars and not think about silly little things like themselves, whether they wanted to do this. And it was by all accounts largely successful. So successful that it was exported to the United States of America. This is why we still call it school. And you like, I don't know if you've ever thought about that before, but you're like, why is it all these German sounded names? Why am I dropping my 5 year old off at kindergarten? It's like, okay, because that's where it comes from. And Horace Mann, who was the, the godfather of American education, he even explicitly wrote about this, that we are adopting the Prussian system because it's so effective for the Prussians. And like he had some line in there about you know, like, well, they use it for autocratic means, but we will use it for good republican mean. You know, something like that. But I mean, look, if you just look at it for what it is, and this is why it was like kind of a powerful red pill moment. I mean, at least especially in like 2010 to me it sure was that you're like, oh my God, this whole thing is like a brainwashing, you know, mechanism. And if, if libertarians are going to conceive of like the existence of the state. You can't not think about that too. Like, oh my God, this is a whole huge other component of it. You know, Tom woods had this, this great, it was like a speech. It was right around that time too, must have been around 2010. But it was the first time I ever heard him where he used this analogy where he was just talking about like government school. And like think about it. And by the way, they didn't call it, you know, education centers, they called it school. You know, like what they're doing there is not educating, they're schooling you. Tom woods, he said it like this. He goes, this was his, his thought experiment was he goes, he goes, just imagine that Walmart ran all the schools, okay? And so like, like the idea was just like imagine it's anyone except the government. Imagine a private company was running the schools. And, and he goes, okay, so like Walmart is in charge of all the schools. And the first thing they have you do, they take your kids from like age 5 to 18 and the first thing they have to do every single morning is pledge allegiance to Walmart. And then in the classroom there would be pictures of all the Walmart CEOs all around the classroom and they would kind of like make up all of these stories. Like, you know, the, the first Walmart CEO was such a pure man that he never told a lie. One time he chopped down a cherry tree and he said, dad, I did it. I could not lie to you. You know, this is like obviously made up shit about what heroes and wonderful people they were. Oh this, this, you know, Walmart CEO was the great emancipator. And this Walmart CEO, meanwhile, you know, if you look back at it, you find out like a lot of them killed a whole lot of people and did a lot of real messed up stuff. And in fact they all told a lot of lies. But that, but I'm just saying, if you looked at this as it, it was Walmart and Walmart was just praising Walmart and Walmart was making young children pledge allegiance to Walmart. We would all immediately look at it and be like, this is sick, this is sick cult like behavior, okay? But that just is normal to all of us when it comes to the state because that's just the way it's supposed to be done. And you know, it's like over the last decade or so, you know, a lot of people would start coming to this conclusion that they're like, oh my God, public schools have been turned into Indoctrination centers. And it's like, no, they have not been. They have not been turned into indoctrination centers. They have switched up the indoctrination curriculum to something that is more particularly egregious to you and understandably so. But nothing's changed. They're just indoctrinating them. Like, that's been the goal the whole time and, you know, the fun. So, like, this is something that has to be understood along with kind of the more fundamental 101 libertarian understanding of what the government is, which you would think is like. It's like a pretty important thing to understand that. I think liberalism in many ways is like, allergic to this understanding, but it's a pretty basic. It's. It's like the foundational libertarian insight about politics. And it's not really particularly libertarian in nature. It's just objectively true. But, and, and this is why, like, when people are having these conversations and they're like, well, it's different if private people do it or the government is involved or blah. It's. It violates the First Amendment if the government is involved, but it doesn't violate the First Amendment if the government's not involved or any of this. But it's like, I think very few of the people who are in this broader conversation have really examined, like, the foundational building blocks of all of this. So, like, number one, like, what is the government, what is the state? And as libertarians know, well, right there, there only is one coherent, objective definition for government. And what government is, is a group of people who hold a legal monopoly on the use of aggressive violence. That really is the only definition of a government that actually describes what it is. There are. You can do pretty much anything a government can do except the aggressive violence. You can, even in most parts of this country, use violence to defend yourself. You just can't do it aggressively. You can't use aggression. And they can. That's the difference. I mean, you could write laws, you could even, you know, come up with a tax code. You just can't enforce it. They can enforce it. You know, if you were to do what the government does, it would be considered theft, murder, you know, threats, imprisonment, kidnapping, torture. When they do it, it's called war, taxation, collateral damage, detainment, you know, official letters from a court. But if you did it, it was. And, and so, okay, so this is essentially like just what the nature of government is. Now, to be a libertarian is to reject that and to embrace that is to be something else. But to understand that is just to get things correct. That just objectively is what the government does. And if any private individual did what the government does, they would be arrested and spend a long, long time in jail, if not get the death penalty. And so when you're talking about the government, you're talking about, you know, an instrument of force. Now, there is a tremendous tendency, particularly amongst liberals, to pretend that government is something else, that government is the referee in the game, or that government is all of us collectively, or that government is the nation. But none of that's true. Like, that's all objectively not true. You could just disprove it by thinking it through. But then, you know, so. So Murray Rothbard, in his phenomenal work Anatomy of the State, which I highly recommend everyone read, if you haven't already, it's like 60 pages long or something. You can read it in one sitting, this great little pamphlet booklet, essay type thing. And the point that he makes in, in this, this wonderful book is that essentially the government is a gang that took over and gained legitimacy in the popular imagination of its people. And that's essentially all the government is. But as he even gets into in that book, it's more than just the actual government. And he gets into, like, the marriage between the government and the intellectual class and how there's this, like, huge reinforcement mechanism between the two. And like, the intellectual class doesn't really. They. Let's just say they don't really command much value in a true marketplace. Like, in a true marketplace, there's just not that much demand for people who are like, I go and read books or something like that, or I teach sociology or something like that. You probably only need that many, and there's not that many people willing to pay that much for it. You're like, you're just not going to become a multimillionaire off that. However, when the government decides that, like, you know, they'll build public universities and libraries and back student loans and all this, they kind of make a market for these intellectuals that's much more lucrative than the market otherwise would be. And in return, the intellectuals find a way to justify the role of the state. Now, much like school itself, the role that these intellectuals are playing is essentially brainwashing, propagandizing the country into accepting the. The regime's policy. And in this sense, thinking of them as separate from the state is substantially less helpful and accurate than thinking of them as all part of one apparatus. This is what Curtis Yarvin, I think it was probably around this time, too, probably around 2010. I didn't read him until much later, but around that time, I think, is when he came up with his. His term was the cathedral. And, and the cathedral encompassed, like the actual government, all the shadow parts of the government, but it also incorporated corporate media, academia, Hollywood, things like this, because they're all kind of used together. And so for, for example, like, take academia for a second. Like, academia is okay, many of the people who work at, say, private universities are not government employees, but the whole industry is a government program. The whole thing only exists because the government is backing the loans or nowadays just giving the loans to the kids and then giving the legal protection to the school and then give it. Like, it's all just this big government program that happens to end with everybody spouting approved government propaganda. If you think about it like this, right, there are. Maybe this is a, A good way to look at it. So you remember when it came out that the NIH was funding gain of function, gain of function research in the Wuhan Lab in China? Well, it wasn't them, right. If you remember, it was a subsidiary. So like, they gave a grant to a company, that company gave the money to the Wuhan Lab. But you understand, I think all of us, like, in effect, we should all feel comfortable in saying the NIH gave that money to the Wuhan Lab. Because if you don't conceive of it that way, then all you're acknowledging is, is that all the government has to do is say, well, we gave it to. All they have to do is have a private company do it. And then they get to say what? That was done by a private company. It wasn't done by us. But we'd all kind of recognize that's pretty ridiculous, right? I. I mean, imagine, let's say, let, let's say that there was a secret act passed by our government to create another government department, but it was a secret government department, and so they didn't tell the public that that was a government department. Would that make it any less of a government department? In other words, like, does it matter what we call it? Or does it matter what the government calls it? Or does it matter, like, how they're acting, what function are they serving right now? And especially like something like the college campus stuff. Like, I mean, if you're, if you're being funded by the government, your whole industry is propped up by the government, and you're regurgitating the propaganda of the government, okay? In some technical sense, you're a private person who isn't a government employee. But in a much more real sense, you are a part of the regime and you should be regarded as such. And so, you know, look, think. I mean, they. Because this is like how all types of things work. A great book on this to read is. What's it called? Oh, damn it, am I gonna blank on this? Confessions of an Economic Hitman. Great book. Where they talk all about, like, the private companies that the CIA uses to do so much of their dirty work. And if we're going to say that's not the government, then I don't know, it's like you're just giving the government an obvious end around. So there's no restrictions on government at all. Because like, this thing is obviously still a part of that. Like, clearly, in the same way they said this is what they say about the Federal Reserve is that the Federal Reserve is private. What are you talking about? There's a private company that we created through an act of Congress. They just have the power to print the money. But I mean, what is that? Like, what if, if to use Walmart again, is that. Let's say that Walmart was created by an act of Congress and then every few years the President appointed the CEO of Walmart. Would you consider Walmart a private company at that point? Or would you go, I think you're part of the government now, right? The same with. Look, it's true. It's true with all types of like weapons contractors. And I mean, like, what is, what is the Brookings Institute? Is that just a private organization? Does it make any sense to think of them as such? What are they funded by a mix of foreign governments and weapons manufacturers and that makes a private company like. No, not really. Not in, not in any true spirit, in any true sense of that term. And you know, I think that, you know, another non government or nos, Right? So like, nos, like, by the way, isn't it interesting that they have to, the first two, they have to say non governmental. It's like, if you, if you ever start a company, you probably wouldn't think that those need to be the first two words of your company because it's actually non governmental. So you don't need to say it, you know. And like, are these NGOs who, like, you know, let's say they take us taxpayer money and then they go, you know, to form like pro democracy Ukrainian media companies that urge people to take to the streets to overthrow the Yanukovych government. Am I supposed to look at that George Soros NGO as just. Oh, that's just the Free market. And so again, look, I do just think you come back to a thing where it's more, it's. I'm not saying it's perfect. And obviously it's a little bit arbitrary in some of these cases. What exactly you consider the regime and what you do not consider the regime. But just for example, let's just say just a hypothetical situation. Let's say that, let's just imagine in Washington D.C. you had like a think tank that was funded by weapons manufacturers that was arguing for war. Now I know that's crazy. We would never find that in the real Washington D.C. but let's just say hypothetically there was a think tank that's funded by weapons companies that's going to government to. To present policy papers saying why we need a big buildup in the defense budget. So here you have these weapons companies that are creatures of the taxpayer. They literally just sell their weapons to the US Federal government that buys them with our money, right, without. With our money that they took from us by force. They create this weapons company. The weapons company creates a think tank or funds a think tank. The think tank is arguing for more of our money to be spent on, you know, the. On. On weapons. Now let's just say hypothetically speaking, a president or a dictator or a politician, someone who's an official government, you know, employee says, I'm proposing a new law that you're not allowed to do that. Like Mr. Think Tank Guy. Shut up. You're not allowed to write papers anymore that say you want a higher defense budget. Is it so obvious that the libertarian position and pure theory and morality is that that's a violation of free speec is like, I actually don't think so. I don't think so at that point. Now I understand. I can hear the pushback already. Remember, I'm trying to get you to play with an idea. I'm not trying to get a sell you on anything. And people can say, well, that's not Jimmy Kimmel exactly. Okay. This show is sponsored by Better Help Guys. As I've told you many times in the past, I have benefited from therapy myself and I know a lot of people who have too. I highly recommend it. 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You know, I think when you, you know, when you really at Jimmy Kimmel's level and especially, especially, like through Covid, like, when he's at that position where he just decides, I'm gonna stop being a comedian and I'm gonna start being a mouthpiece for the regime. And I, you know, I'm gonna literally mock my fellow Americans, advocate that they don't get health care if they haven't gotten the COVID vaccine, Remember? What do you say? You can go die now, wheezy, or whatever his comments were. You do put yourself in a different category, in my opinion. Like, you made yourself part of the cathedral. And in the same sense that, like, if you were go to me, like, oh, my God, there's like a strong man, political leader is going up there and saying that these think tanks who are taking money from weapons companies and are advocating for more war, we're shutting them all down. And you would go, you know, this is a violation of free speech. I don't know. I don't think so, actually. I think this is. This is gangster. These are two gangs fighting. And I have every right to just, like, not care about that. And, you know, if you were to ask me, oh, Mr. Libertarian, I thought you like free speech. You'd be like, well, I don't think they're. You know what I mean? Like, I don't think any of this should exist. I don't think that weapons company should exist. I don't think that think tank should exist, and I don't think this politician should exist. But you know what they all did do. And so it's not so clear from first principles that I gotta think that these members of the regime are citizens exercising their free speech. I just do not see it that way. And so I. I understand where people can disagree. And it's like, it, like I said, it is kind of arbitrary when exactly somebody becomes a member of the regime. And I guess to that I would kind of say, yeah, it's. There. Are there Are lines that are arbitrary that must be drawn in society. You know, it is not like exactly clear when like the age of consent should be. Should you be allowed to have sex and drive a car at 18 or 19 or 20? I don't know. But there's got to be a line. It seems somewhere around there seems just about right. I mean, I don't know, you could be like 8 year olds can't be allowed to drive a car and 35 year olds certainly have to be. Where do we draw that line exactly? I mean, you know, you try to get it as close to right as you think. And I'm sure we could all, you know, look at like some line and go, no, no, no, that's way too young. No, no, no, that's way too old. But you got to draw it somewhere. You have to, because otherwise you can't move forward. You can't have a society where children can operate vehicles and you can't have a society where adults are not allowed to. So just for function, you have to draw the line somewhere. And yes, it's going to be somewhat arbitrary where you draw it. I think Jimmy Kimmel was way over the line, way over the line of just being a member of the regime. I don't consider him, I don't consider that speech rights anymore at that point. And so I'm not one of these people who's going like, oh my God, I have so much sympathy for Jimmy Kibble because he's gotten his first Amendment rights violated or something like that. I just don't, I don't think that's correct. I still think it's really, really stupid and a bad direction to go down now. So essentially this is why I'm going to make nobody satisfied with this argument. I say all of that to say I still am. If you ask me what policy I support. I think it was, it's just a disaster that the FCC chairman gave them that out. And look, like what I was saying before about how governments are, are gangs. I mean, look, there's no. Look, they. What the FCC chairman did was some real gangster, right? He literally said to him, he goes, we could either handle this the easy way or the hard way. Like, you don't have to jump, you know, you don't have to. It's not a crazy stretch to get from. We could either handle things the easy way or the hard way to like gangster. That's what they were doing. Now, I don't think in this case that's actually why Jimmy Kimmel got fired. I Think Jimmy Kimmel got fired because a big corporation jumped on that opportunity. It almost kind of, it kind of, with all the outrage against Jimmy Kimmel, it gave them like the perfect out. So you have all this outrage about the dumbass thing that he said. People are pissed off. You got these affiliates who are, are threatening, and then the FCC chair threatens and you go, perfect, now we can dump this big contract, which wasn't justified anyway. But in the same sense of, like the example that I, I've used before, and this is something, I gotta say, this is something that people really have a tough time with in political thinking. You know, this is what I like to call the, the, the white men can't jump philosophy. But was that Rosie Perez? She says in that movie, right, because people do, in politics, people have a tough time thinking in like second, third order effects. But anyway, to my point, right, essentially where I'm saying, where I'm at here is that this is no longer to me like a moral liberty issue. Like, this is morally wrong for the government to get involved in this way. To me, these are different wings of the government. Fighting is essentially how I view this, which by the way, also happens all the time. People make a mistake and think of the state as a monolith. It's not, you know, there's all types of examples throughout history where the State Department and the Defense Department are at odds. The CIA and the FBI have had a very contentious relationship. Obviously there's different presidential administrations that have, have, you know, warred with each other, and there's beefs within administrations. You know, we're just. Kamala Harris, I think, just came out with a book and they're, you know, there's all types of battles between the vice president's office, president's office. So it's not. But I'm saying I think of this more as a feud between the CIA and the FBI. Is anyone's rights being violated? Like, I don't know, you're all in a constant perpetual state of violating people's rights. So I don't know. So it's not a moral issue. So then what it becomes is purely a strategic issue. And so purely on strategic grounds, it only hurt the right wing. Now what I was saying before with the Rosie Perez thing is like, people have a tough time understanding second and third order effects and like, how things play out in the long run. It's, it's much more challenging to try to look at that than it is to just go, what's the immediate next step? You know, and so The Rosie Perez, right, Her. Her dumb line and white men can't jump was. Was, you know, sometimes when you win, you really lose, and sometimes when you lose, you really win. And what. Sometimes when you tie, you actually win or lose. And sometimes when you win or lose, you actually tie. Anyway, the point kind of being that in this situation, you, Jimmy Kimmel was getting fucked up. He's already losing the fight. Like, who. If you were in a big fight and you're just, like, dominating the opponent, you know, you're going into the 12th round and you're up 11 rounds to nothing, and you're like, I'm just going to keep killing this guy. Do you want the referee to cheat for you at that point? No, it just robs your victory from you. It just gives them a talking point. Jimmy Kimmel was getting destroyed. His ratings have been tanking. The guy is a laughingstock. Nobody cares anymore. And he's just getting dunked on left and right. Because his point there was, like, the most dumbass bonehead point. Like, it didn't even make any sense. His argument was, oh, maga's trying to make it look like it wasn't one of their own. Like, no, they're not. It clearly wasn't. There's no evidence pointing to that. It's as silly as any of the other conspiracies. But, like, think about how you totally just, like, take that victory away from yourself now because the dumbass fucking FCC chairman had to go threaten them, and now they can make it out to be a free speech issue. So it's just. Just purely on, like, the strategy of it. This was a bad strategy. And, you know, I see people. There's. There's a few things. Like, I see a lot of people who understandably just want to celebrate this, and they're kind of like, in this, like, I don't care. You guys started playing this game, so we're gonna start playing this game, too. And I've heard a few, you know, popular, you know, people who I like who had. Who had been making that attitude. That's right. We are hypocrites. We are being hypocritical now, and we are, you know, violating free speech. And we're embracing cancel culture and all this stuff. And, like, first of all, as I said before, with my, you know, cathedral regime worldview, I don't even think that's true. So I don't think there's any need to concede that you're being a hypocrite in this case. But on top of that, you know, when people are going like, oh, you know, Charlie Kirk, that's what he was doing. We tried it that way and you shot that guy in the neck. So now we're doing it this way, it's like, well, first of all, I don't think it's a great way to honor the guy's legacy to say we're going to reject everything that he stood for. And second of all, what you're leaving out of there is that we were finally winning. Like the anti woke culture war has finally been paying off over the last few years. And a big part of why they were able to win is because they were able to make the principled argument and win a lot of people over based off that. And so if you do, even though I'm telling you that I don't actually view it as being such a simple free speech issue, it is going to be perceived that way by most people. And once you go, yeah, we are not being principled either, okay, well then now you no longer can persuade those people who are persuaded by principle. That's one, that's a big thing to keep in mind. It's important to keep in mind that we were winning like this battle. Jimmy Kimmel was losing. Charlie Kirk was winning. Charlie Kirk flipped the youth vote so much that it got Donald Trump elected and had him win the popular vote for the first time. After getting killed in that demographic, he's now winning that demographic. That demographic doesn't even know who Jimmy Kimmel is, by the way, because that's how much the old dinosaur media has been getting killed. And so it does. To me, this just feels like on one hand it's like strategically you're just, you're giving them a talking point and you're kind of snatching defeat out of the jaws of victory, you know, like this, you're already winning this. Just keep winning this game. I don't know. Like, look, obviously for a lot of people out there, right, like I was given the right wing credit for there being no retaliatory violence so far. Well, obviously to a lot of people, that would actually feel kind of good to just do that, you know, like in the short run that might make you feel better, but I think most of us could see, like, yeah, but in the long run that's a disaster. In the long run, it's such a moral victory for the right wing that there was no violent response. And that's something that will persuade a lot of reasonable people to go. Like, you know, you keep saying they're the bad guys. But actually they're the ones who really showed restraint here. Like that's how you win long term. 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And you know, I gotta say there is this and I understand it. I understand feeling this way, particularly after everything that's, that's happened in the last, you know, week or I guess week in a day now. But there's a, there's, you know, there's like a, a temptation to, to, you know, feel like, hey, you know, this is, things have gotten so far that I don't want to hear these, you know, like the, I don't want to hear like, oh, we can't embrace this or this could be used against us. This is already being used against us. And you know, this is one area where I really will, I really will defend the libertarians and I think that they end up getting dismissed by right wingers. And I think, you know, look, I'm a libertarian, but I think I'm the first to admit when there are areas where the libertarians are being goofy and the right wingers are actually making a point. This is one area where I really think it's like libertarians have consistently been proven right about this and still their advice just does never gets heard. But it really is true that you do not want to set precedence that this model is how things are going to work. You know, this, the top down government managing of these things or government intervention in these issues is just never ends up being a friend of right wingers in, in the long run, you know, perhaps sometimes in the very short Run. But you know, even if you think about the Bud Light boycotts or the Target boycotts or Elon Musk buying Twitter or any of these things, it was always market based actions that ended up actually working to roll back some of this insanity. And you know, around, you know, after 9, 11 and in, in the next couple years, it was Ron Paul and the libertarians who were warning right wingers against the creation of the Patriot act and the Department of Homeland Security and the TSA and just the massive spying apparatus that was built up over the, the following decades. And right wingers at the time were like, no, screw you libertarian, you know, pussies. We're doing this because we got a threat and we're going to go get that threat, we're going to go get the Muslims. And that entire apparatus ended up being turned on right wing Americans and all of them, you know, the Department of Homeland Security decided that domestic terrorism was the biggest threat and that it was, you know, maga. Republicans were the domestic terrorists. You look at the way they went after the people on January 6th and then there, what, there does seem to be some feeling amongst right wingers where most of them would probably admit, yeah, you guys were right about that one. You guys were right. We should have listened to you when you said this will end up being weaponized against us. And then whenever the next time comes where libertarians are going, yeah, dude, but you don't want to do this because this could be weaponized against you, they go, oh please. You know, like, they just never say, but even if you feel like it's already being weaponized against us, things can get worse. I promise you, things can get much, much worse. And always think about that. Always think about whether this is really something that won't have like massive, you know, counter reactions against us in the future. And so like, I just essentially feel that we are like in the marketplace of ideas if there aren't restraints on us. We kill these guys every time. Every time. And you know, part of that is that you gotta like to win this fight. You gotta. And particularly when there's a crisis. This is what a lot of people really struggle with. But when there's a crisis, that's when you have to be at your most rational and stick to your principles the most. Like, it's very important because these things are gonna age a certain way. It's like, look, I, and I saw, I, I guess I'm not alone in this because I saw also, Nick Fuentes was also catching some flack from his audience as I was both for the same reason, because we both said that there's no evidence to suggest that Israel killed Charlie Kirk. And it is really something just like the way the. The lowbrow conspiratorial mind works that everyone's got. Nick got the call to. Dave got the call, and now Nick got the call, and we're all. And like, whatever I'm saying, none of these things prove either side is right or wrong. But isn't it if you would say, like, me at Nick Fuentes, like, two of the most prominent critics of Israel in the country, and they're both telling you there's no evidence here, and you go, well, that's proof that they both got the phone call. Like, isn't it more likely the opposite? I'm not saying that that alone proves anything, but isn't it more likely that it's like, yeah, there's just not enough evidence here? But part of the thing that I think a lot of people are, are kind of missing here is like, okay, but if you just jump on a theory with no evidence to back it up, how does that look when the dust settles? You know? Like, do you. Do you think about that at all? I mean, number one, I just wouldn't want to do it because I think it's wrong. But on top of that, also, you got to think about, like, how's this thing going to age? You know, like you. That's all part. We're all constantly building our track record. Everybody is in their personal life, in their public life. You're always building your track record. And you want to think about that too. Like, there will guaranteed right wingers. There will be a time in the next decade where you want free speech. You want that to be on your side. You are better off having a track record of being consistent and principled in that realm, or you're never going to be able to reach people who care about being reasoned and principled. And to me, it's like, oh, that's what I'm all about. Those are the people I want to reach. And I just think that's something people should keep in mind here. It just doesn't help anything, especially when they're all dying already. And look, as I've said before, I think essentially what happened here was this really. Was the market like, this was Jimmy Kimmel just, you know, look, just say it like this. There was a much bigger cancellation attempt on Joe Rogan than there was on. On Jimmy Kimmel. It was much more organized, much more central with celebrities. You know, Neil Young saying he's going to take all his music off of Spotify and all this other stuff. But Joe Rogan didn't get cancelled because Joe Rogan's numbers were massive. Jimmy Kimmel didn't have any of that protection, so he got. So I. In some ways, I think this was the market, but the FCC threatening the shit out of them and then essentially taking credit for it afterward kind of robs you of that victory. It is as if. Like, as if the ref started threatening one team and then after the game, started bragging about how they really cheated and won that game. Well, what's that doing for the side that won't. That's not helping you. It's robbing you of your victory. And so, like, I don't think it's as simple as some people are making it out that it's like, well, Jimmy Kimmel's just a guy. He's just a comedian telling a joke, and people shouldn't get fired over telling a joke or something like that. It's like, no, there's a little bit more to it than that. He consciously made a decision to join the regime and to be a spokesman for the regime. And at the same time, like, you know, you go into a war zone, you pick up a rifle. You are a combatant now. It does not matter if you are officially a member of that military or not. You pick up a rifle and you start marching toward an opposing army. You're fair game now. And in the same sense, you made yourself part of the regime. I don't. I don't care about this on a moral, free speech issue level. I don't. This is. This is the realm of strategy now. And in the realm of strategy, I think this is all wrong. I think right wingers are much better off if they just publicly say, we don't want the government involved in this at all. But we're all turning off, you know, Jimmy Kimmel, which the thing is you guys already have. I don't know. I just saw a report on the numbers. The numbers were so bad. Dude, this podcast is doing better than Jimmy Kimmel's show was. And believe me, I do not have a contract like Jimmy Kimmel. This thing, he was already losing. Just something to think about, something for all you guys to play with. All right, thanks. Thanks for tuning in. Catch you guys on Monday. Peace.