Johnny Steinberg (8:58)

He himself was completely unpoliticized as a child. The white people in his life were traders. They were officials who came to see the regent and he regarded them as heroic figures, as gods, you know. In 1913, the organization he would come to lead then called the South African National Natives Congress, it would become the anc, was formed in resistance to white rule. He knew nothing of it at all. The world of white minority rule was completely natural to him while he was growing up. He felt that was simply the way the world was.

John Hopkins (9:30)

Segregation in South Africa is partly governed by law, restricting certain rights to vote, buy property and hold particular jobs along racial lines. In the world of education, black and white children simply do not mix, and white children enjoy far greater opportunities. But in the small town of Alice, Fort Hare is the first South African university to offer black students Western style higher education. It's here that Mandela enrolls in 1939. Straight away, his social horizons expand as he studies with young people from an array of backgrounds and with wildly differing outlooks. He strikes up a particular friendship with a young man named Oliver Tambo, in whom he finds a political soulmate. Mandela has been at Fort Hare barely a year when he leads protests about some of the ways in which the university is run. For his efforts, he is expelled. Back in his palace home, plans are made for an arranged marriage to a girl he has barely met. But Mandela has no intention of becoming tied down and stealing some cattle to raise money for an escape. He flees in 1941 to Johannesburg. Life in the big city is at once a shock and an exhilarating new adventure. Soon he meets a rising local black businessman called Walter Sisulu, who also happens to be a prominent figure in the African National Congress, or anc, a black liberation movement founded a few decades previously. Mandela sits in his office and explains his desire to become a lawyer. Something about the young man impresses Sisulu, who helps him find a clerking position at a law firm that undertakes pioneering work on behalf of black clients. Sisulu also encourages his new protege to join the ancient, and Mandela resumes his studies on a law course at the city's Witwatersrand University, where he is the only black student.

Johnny Steinberg (11:46)

It's important to understand that at the time, there were only about 40 black lawyers in South Africa. So he was really following the trajectory of his education. His education told him that he was the very, very elite of black people, that he was going to lead his people.

John Hopkins (12:02)

But he's still constantly exposed to the indignities and hurdles that whites simply do not encounter.

Johnny Steinberg (12:10)

So, for instance, early on in his days at that firm, a white secretary was taking dictation from him when a client walked in. And she was so embarrassed to be taking dictation from a black man that she opened her purse and put money in Mandela's hands and said, go and buy shampoo for me outside. And he experienced those indignities every day living in the city. That's what made him angry.

John Hopkins (12:35)

Though his interest in political activism deepens, Mandela also enjoys the social side of life and has a notoriously roving eye when it comes to women. In 1944, he is at Sisulu's house when he is introduced to a young nurse called Evelyn. A whirlwind romance follows, and within a few months, they are married. In the meantime, with Sisulu and his old friend Tambo, he sets up an ANC youth league.

Johnny Steinberg (13:04)

It was an organization which pitted itself against the moderation of their elders. And one of the big questions of the day was whether black people should work with racial minorities, whether they should work with white people and Indian people, and whether they should work with communists and Mandela was absolutely vociferous and militant that black people should work alone.

John Hopkins (13:26)

He is growing a reputation for his combativeness and powerful oration.

Johnny Steinberg (13:32)

He was big. He was 6 foot 2 and broad shouldered and used his physical power quite thuggishly. There were occasions where he literally threw communist and Indian speakers off a stage.

John Hopkins (13:47)

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Johnny Steinberg (14:30)

Welcome to Nada Yada island next on Metro's Nadia Yada island podcast.

Nadia (14:36)

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John Hopkins (14:43)

No way.

Johnny Steinberg (14:44)

And finding out the fourth line is free.

John Hopkins (14:46)

Thanks God. Heated.

Johnny Steinberg (14:48)

That's wild. Join Metro and get four free Samsung.

John Hopkins (14:51)

5G phones only at Metro plus tax. Bring four numbers and an ID and.

Johnny Steinberg (14:55)

Sign up for any Metro Flex plan.

John Hopkins (14:56)

Not available currently AT T Mobile or have been with Metro in the past 180 days. In 1948, black South Africa reels when the right wing National Party wins a general election, it formally introduces its apartheid policies, an Afrikaans word meaning separateness, which enshrines in law the economic and social inequalities that have long been prevalent. Every aspect of normal life is impacted. Marriage between whites and any other race is outlawed and the best jobs are reserved for whites only. Blacks are also faced with a far lower quality of education, health and public service provision. The ANC Youth League responds with a campaign of passive resistance incorporating mass strikes and boycotts. In 1950, Mandela, by now a father, takes over the presidency of the League and also joins the ANC national executive. But conditions under the National Party are only getting worse. The government passes its Population Registration act, which systematically classifies every individual into one of four racial categories white, black, colored or mixed race, or Indian. Freedoms are granted accordingly. It is a piece of legislation loaded with value judgments not only Is parentage considered, but also in its own words, habits, education, speech, deportment and demeanor. Black South Africans must now carry a sort of internal passport known as a passbook, which stipulates exactly where each individual is allowed to live, travel and work. Failure to produce the document on demand can result in arrest and imprisonment. Mandela leads another mass defiance campaign based on Gandhi's principles of non violence. Protesters are encouraged, for example, to burn their passbooks and to enter whites only areas. But the authorities clamp down heavily on the campaign, assaulting protesters and imposing harsh sentences, and it is quickly snuffed out.

Johnny Steinberg (17:23)

The crashing of that campaign was one of the most important lessons in his life. It's when he first started thinking that it may be necessary to turn to violence. It's when he began to understand how hard peaceful mass protest was.

John Hopkins (17:39)

In 1952, Mandela receives his first criminal conviction for his activism. Though he is forbidden from attending political meetings for six months, his stock within the ANC is rising and he's voted its deputy president. He also opens his own legal practice in partnership with Oliver Tambo, the country's first black owned ligelfa. To celebrate, Mandela buys himself an expensive car and high end tailored suits.

Johnny Steinberg (18:11)

He really played the flamboyant man about town and that's how he was known in the 1950s. And some people thought that it was flippant and unserious. But in retrospect he was beginning to understand the power of theater. To be a black man wearing the most expensive threads in town and driving a fancy car was a political statement.

John Hopkins (18:39)

His family is growing, but by now he is struggling to balance his public and private lives.

Johnny Steinberg (18:47)

He lived on nervous energy. His life as an activist was very, very dangerous. It was full of adrenaline. It was a high octane 24 hour a day life. Frankly, he was seldom at home. He was neglectful. He loved his children, but he was never there for them. He was notorious for his multiple affairs. I mean, interestingly, most of the women he slept with were fellow activists. And so politics and his extramarital sex life were melded together in a very adrenaline driven, exciting, dangerous life. His wife was deeply humiliated and it started eroding their marriage.

John Hopkins (19:32)

In 1955. Mandela is key to putting together a congress of the people, A multiracial alliance of activist groups with the ANC at its center. The coalition unifies to create a freedom charter that asserts that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, regardless of race. A year later, when 38 year old Mandela is driving past a bus stop, he notices a young woman sitting there, early 20s and strikingly beautiful. And miraculously, a few weeks later, she walks into his law firm on business with her brother. He discovers that she is a recently qualified social worker called Winnie. He may be older, but he is in fine physical shape from running and boxing. Though both are spoken for, the attraction is mutual and they begin to meet in secret. The seeds are sown for one of the most famous romances in South African history. Their relationship is only months old when Mandela is among some 150 people, including most of the ANC's senior leadership, arrested and charged with high treason for allegedly promoting communism, which is banned after a stint in jail. He is given bail, but it is just the start of a drawn out legal process. Yet the interruption does nothing to cool the flames of his love affair.

Johnny Steinberg (21:05)

By 1958 he had proposed to her and they had married. He had divorced his wife and their marriage was a spectacle. They looked very beautiful and very glamorous together and they really intuited, they really understood the political power of that glamour.

John Hopkins (21:26)

The following year, Winnie gives birth to a daughter as what becomes known as the treason trial rumbles on. But within the ancient, the Pan Africanist Congress, or PAC, splinter off, rejecting the ANC's multiracial approach in favor of a distinctly black African nationalism promoting black progress and identity. Within a few months, they launched their own campaign against the pass laws, encouraging protests in various townships. On 21 March 1960, in Sharpeville in the Transvaal, thousands gather outside the police station awaiting a public response from a government official to their complaints about the pass laws. This is not an ANC backed event and Mandela is not among them, though the atmosphere is largely convivial. Early in the afternoon, some 130 armed officers and four armored vehicles roll into the township. Now a flurry of jets flies low overhead in a bid to disperse the crowd. When a few people on the ground lob stones, the police hit back with batons and tear gas, prompting a crowd surge. Then comes the police gunfire. Within moments it has turned into a massacre. Exact numbers of victims are disputed, but somewhere between 69 and 91 civilians are thought to die, with more than 200 injured.

Johnny Steinberg (23:00)

At that point, Mandela and a small group of people around him secretly take a decision that the time of peaceful protest is over, that it's not possible anymore, and that it's necessary to turn to violence.

John Hopkins (23:19)

Mandela has been mulling the possibility for years, but it's a big gamble.

Johnny Steinberg (23:24)

You know, in 1953, when Mandela first thought of violence, he sent his friend Walter Csulu to China to raise arms and what the Chinese told so be very, very careful before you take on this regime with violence because you will probably lose, they will probably crush you and you will set back your struggle for freedom by 20, 30 or 40 years because they will destroy you.

John Hopkins (23:47)

After Sharpeville, the government impose martial law and outlaws both the PAC and anc. Many prominent activists, including Mandela, are arrested and held without charge for months. Then in March 1961, after six years, the Treason trial reaches its climax. Mandela and his co defendants are acquitted for lack of evidence. It is a major embarrassment to the government. But Mandela is under no illusions that this means freedom. He goes underground, traveling the country under a host of disguises, including chauffeur, chef and gardener, earning him the nickname of the Black Pimpernel. He takes command of umkuntu weSizwe, the ANC's newly established armed wing, known commonly as MK. Their plan is to focus on attacking symbolically important apartheid facilities while minimizing loss of life. In early 1962, with the MK's program of sabotage up and running, he secretly leaves the country to tour Europe and Africa, intent on gathering intelligence and fostering international support. But on his return to South Africa, he is arrested and convicted of leaving the country without permission and inciting workers strikes. He gets five years in prison. Worse still, in July of 1963, the police raid the MK's secret headquarters. They find reams of incriminating paperwork about the organization specifically naming Mandela. He is one of 10 senior ANC figures, including Sisulu, who are subsequently charged with offenses related to the preparation of explosives, guerrilla warfare and violent revolution, potentially capital crimes. Their trial gets underway in October 1963 and rolls on for months. But Mandela sees an opportunity. He prepares to give a speech from the Dock, presenting the ANC's case for change in front of the watching world. On 20 April 1964, he rises to his feet to address the court. To begin with, he is a little hesitant, but he quickly finds his rhythm and holds forth for three compelling hours. His cherished ideal, he explains, is for a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. An ideal, he says, for which he is prepared to die. But though his powerful eloquence makes international headlines, he is still found guilty and receives a sentence of life imprisonment. Within just three years of founding the mk, the ANC seems spent as a political force.

Johnny Steinberg (26:59)

After the turn to violence, the ANC was crushed. Its leadership went to jail or into exile, and there was very, very little left. And it took a long, long time to rebuild. You know, counterfactual history is impossible. We don't know what might have happened if Mandela had lost that decision to turn to violence, but there's quite a strong argument that it was a mistake.

John Hopkins (27:21)

It is a question he has ample opportunity to ponder in jail. It's a blazing hot day in late 1964 on Robben island in Table Bay, four miles off the coast northwest of Cape Town. The ocean crashes at the rugged shore, birds swooping and screeching in the skies above. The island has been used as a prison since the 17th century and Alcatraz ahead of its time. It is edging towards lunchtime, but there is no letup for the prisoners down in the courtyard, forced to hammer away at stones hour after hour, preparing them for use in road paving. Among the convicts is Nelson Mandela, his muscles burning and his ears ringing with each new strike of hammer upon rock. Now in his 40s, he remains a strong, imposing figure, but even he is wearying. From his brow he wipes the sweat that threatens to drip in his tired eyes. He has been awake since the morning call at 5:30. His days here begin with cleaning his cell and washing out the bucket he's forced to use as a toilet before a breakfast of watery porridge and a mug of the diluted baked maize masquerading as coffee. Then the inspection of cells and prison issue jackets. Any alleged shortfall in standards earns a punishment, from loss of meals to solitary confinement. There is a sense of isolation even in the courtyard now, where conversation is forbidden. As Mandela pauses momentarily to ready himself for the next hammer swing, a warder yells at him to speed up. Mercifully, a bell starts to ring, a signal that it is midday and time for lunch. A metal drum of food is wheeled out from which the prisoners serve themselves. Black inmates like Mandela are bottom of the pile, their meal consisting only of boiled corn. There is also an allowance of a powder made from corn and yeast, which can be mixed into an energizing drink. Only Mandela knows the portions are so small that he'll end up with little more than some off color water. So instead he pockets the ration and saves it. By the weekend, he might have enough for one properly satisfying drink. Far too soon the warden chivies him back to work. Another four hours of back breaking labor lies ahead. And so it goes on day after day, without even the prospect of a visit from his wife to break the monotony. The authorities allow her to come see him only once every six months. His Mail, too, is ruthlessly censored. After work, only more hours in his cell lie ahead, illuminated by a single harsh light bulb that never turns off. Then tomorrow morning, it will all begin again.

Johnny Steinberg (30:46)

Conditions in prison at the beginning were truly horrible. He was such an exuberant man. He so lived in the present, he was so alive. Those years in prison would be cruel to anybody. But to a personality like his, they were really crashing.

John Hopkins (31:03)

In 1968, he's even refused permission to attend his mother's funeral. And again a year later, when his eldest son is killed in a motor accident. All the while, it seems as if he and the ancient are fading from view.

Johnny Steinberg (31:17)

There was a lot of press around their conviction in 1964, but if you trace Mandela and his comrade's appearance in international newspapers from the 60s into the 70s, they are disintegrating, they are disappearing.

John Hopkins (31:31)

Mandela frets about the state of his marriage, too, and the difficulties his young children face as they navigate life without their father. To keep his spirits up, he begins writing his autobiography and takes up gardening. He also helps a warder with his English in return for lessons in Afrikaans, dreaming of a future when his side might sit down and talk to those who hold the reins of power. Beyond the prison walls. Though, the National Party government is doubling down on marginalizing the black population. Despite rising international condemnation, Winnie, a talented communicator and propagandist, remains committed to the struggle. But despite her husband's fate, she has no concerns about turning to violence when it comes to the pursuit of the ANC's goals. She is implicated in the brutal punishment, even murder, of suspected police informants, which in turn makes her increasingly a subject of the government's attention, suffering imprisonment, torture and internal banishment. In 1976, when there are major black uprisings in the country, the ANC has virtually nothing to do with them. A year later, the activist Steve Biko becomes the symbol of the anti apartheid movement after he is beaten to death by state security officers. But he has no ANC links either, and it seems like Mandela and his organization will become mere footnotes in history. Mandela's 60th birthday in 1978, however, offers the ANC an opportunity for renewal.

Johnny Steinberg (33:17)

And it partly resurrected itself by inventing him as a great leader, by really very self consciously choosing to personify, to embody the struggle in the form of one person. And it began with a deceptively simple campaign in 1978 to celebrate his 60th birthday, a campaign that the anti apartheid movement took around the world. It's hard to emphasize what an ingenious campaign it was. It was empty of political ideology. It was simply saying, here is a man who has been in jail far too long and his country will not be free until he is freedom.

John Hopkins (33:52)

By the 1980s, the release Mandela campaign is cutting through internationally, permeating popular culture around the world. The time has come for him to embark on a new distinct phase of his extraordinary life.

Johnny Steinberg (34:07)

His genius always lay in theater. His genius always lay in how one goes about presenting oneself in a way that embodies the spirit of time. So in the 1950s, he was the dapper lawyer in inexpensively clothes and a good car and understood that that exuded a very, very powerful image of Black dignity. In 1960, he understood that the turn true violence required a very different image. And that's when he grew his hair and put on a trench coat and projected himself as a gorilla. In 1964, he switched to being a martyr. And strangely enough, in prison, he watched this mythical Nelson Mandela form on the outside, quite detached from him, and learned to play it, learned very quickly who this Nelson Mandela evolving in international cultural circuits was and cotton don and began to play him very well. Hablas espanol Sprito Dzoits if you've heard that sound from Babbel before, I bet you do. Babbel is the science backed language learning app that actually works with quick 10 minute lessons. Handcrafted by over 200 language experts, Babbel gets you on your way to speaking a new language in just a few weeks. With over 16 million subscriptions sold and a 20 day money back guarantee. Just start speaking another language with Babbel right now. Up to 55% off your Babbel subscription at babbel.com Spotify podcast spelled B A B-B-E-L.com Spotify podcast rules and restrictions may.

Nadia (35:31)

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John Hopkins (36:31)

For much of the 1970s, the ANC was in large part run by a leadership that escaped prison by leaving the country. Now, though, it redoubles its guerrilla operations within South Africa, but with no sign of give from the government, outbreaks of violence in black townships are commonplace, supplemented by increased activity from MK guerrillas. By the mid-1980s, the country seems on the brink of civil war. But Mandela, who has by then been moved to Polesmoor Prison in Cape Town, is determined to do whatever it takes to avoid it.

Johnny Steinberg (37:08)

Mandela firmly, firmly believes that violence is corrosive and destructive and that his country absolutely cannot go into civil war, that it will never come out of it, or if it does, it'll be so damaged there won't be any pieces to pick up.

John Hopkins (37:22)

Informal secret talks begin between Mandela and representatives from President P.W. botha's government. Both sides are seeking a path to a sustainable future, although exactly what that is remains unclear. The government holds out the possibility of freeing some political prisoners and legalizing the ANC if in return, the ANC renounces violence, distances itself from communist ideology and drops its demands for majority rule. All steps too far for Mandela.

Johnny Steinberg (37:55)

He begins these talks secretly. He knows that if his comrades find out about them, they will tell him to stop. It's probably his greatest moments of leadership, and it's also a maverick moment. He decides to break rank and do this behind people's backs.

John Hopkins (38:11)

Elsewhere, international economic and cultural sanctions against the apartheid regime gather pace. 1988 sees London's Wembley Stadium host a tribute concert to Mandela, viewed on television by some 200 million people. But though Mandela is moved again following a bout of tuberculosis, the regime is resolute in its commitment to keep him incarcerated for now. Negotiations continue apace, and eventually the new president, FW De Klerk, accepts the principle of power sharing. He begins to release political prisoners, but then shocks everyone in early February 1990 by lifting the 30 year ban on the ANC. For Mandela, there is more good news to come. It's the 11th of February 1990, a hot, dusty day at Victor Wester Prison, about 50 miles from Cape Town in the Western Cape. The sort of day when the insects are out in force. A journalist bumps along the sun kissed road in his car past excitable crowds under a footbridge heaving with pedestrians, his eyes fixed on the low rise compound up ahead. While still some distance away, he parks up behind a seemingly miles long line of vehicles. Getting out, he swats at a fly whirring at the back of his neck and continues his journey at a brisk walk until he comes to the throng of media. Victor Verster is a farm prison and normally the area around it is quiet. The facility sits in a picturesque valley nestled between mountains ideal for farming and winemaking. But today it is alive with a mass of humanity. Not just armies of the press and TV crews, but crowds of ordinary people who just want to be here to witness a historic moment, the chance to catch a glimpse of their long hidden hero. The journalist watches for signs of movement within the prison, determined not to miss the big moment. At just before a quarter past four in the afternoon, at last it comes. At the gates of the prison, the journalist makes out two figures, a man and a woman. The man wears a smart gray suit and dark tie. All eyes on them, the couple stride forward, surrounded by officials and supporters. The crowd noise rises from an excited hum to wild approval. Victor Verster has been Mandela's home for the last 14 months, but after 27 years in total, he emerges now as a free man. Gripping the hand of his great love, Winnie. The journalist scribbles shorthand notes as the couple raise their hands to the sky, their fists clenched in defiance from the unbearable solitude of nearly three decades into the adoring arms of the multitude in the blink of an eye. Mandela, smiling but determined, pauses to shake hands with some of his supporters, sharing a few words with them. He goes at a stately pace, but is gradually ushered towards awaiting motorcade. News of his release emerged only in the last few hours. In fact, the journalist has learned, Mandela pleaded with de Klerk for more time, for his people to prepare. Now the near mythical figure gets into his car, headed for Cape Town, where a quarter of a million excited fans await him. The wheels spin in the dirt of the road and the car heads off. The journalist sprints through the slowly dissipating crowd to write up his version of events, determined to be the first with a scoop, a new chapter in the nation's story. Mandela is driven to Cape Town's City hall through packed streets. There he gives a speech declaring his commitment to peace and reconciliation, but refuses to call off armed struggle until further compromise from the government.

Johnny Steinberg (43:05)

Mandela walked out as a free man and the battle for the future began, I think, when de Klerk unbanned ANC and released Mandela. He was not really imagining a transition to a majoritarian democracy. He believed that if the transition could be dragged out long enough, the ANC would lose its lustre among ordinary black South Africans. He could accumulate some black allies himself. They may even win an election. He imagined a very complicated, contorted constitutional arrangement where racial minorities would still have a veto.

John Hopkins (43:38)

The future of the country is uncertain, but it is also not at all clear who will now lead the anc. Oliver Tambo has done the job remotely from London since 1967. But though he's now living back in South Africa, his health is failing. Mandela's release changes the terms of the struggle, but he's been away such a long time, and some in the organization harbor suspicions about him, not least because of those secret talks with the government. But it takes mere days to become apparent that he lies at the center of everything. World leaders clamor to be seen with him. He has audiences with President Bush in the us Margaret Thatcher in the uk, President Mitterrand in France, the Pope, and many more. His decades as a political prisoner have imbued him with an aura of moral authority. At the same time, he has other, more personal ambitions in his sights. He is desperate to resurrect his marriage to Winnie. But so much has changed. Winnie has changed. While she has been key to keeping his struggle alive, she is also convinced that black rule will only be achieved through militaristic campaigning and violent means. Back in the 80s, she gathered together a ruthless personal bodyguard known as Mandela United fc. But she used this group to assert her authority less against the white oppressor and more to outmuscle her rivals within the anti apartheid movement, who favored different strategies. Known for its barbaric methods of retaliation against anyone it suspects of working against her, it has been operating as an armed gang terrorizing local neighborhoods. Within a few months of Mandela's release, she is arrested and charged for her part in the 1988 kidnapping and murder of a 14 year old black activist incorrectly suspected of being a police informant. Mandela struggles to comprehend his wife's involvement.

Johnny Steinberg (45:51)

I guess there's no other way of saying it. He abused his newfound power in order to try and save his wife. So, for instance, she was on trial for kidnapping. The days before the trial was going to begin, several of the Hercules disappeared. They'd been spirited across the country, across the border, by ANC people, not directly at Mandela's command, but certainly by the people he delegated to deal with the situation.

John Hopkins (46:16)

Nonetheless, on 14 May 1991, she is convicted. Despite these personal struggles, there is an inevitability to her husband's election as the ANC president in July. But it's clear, too, that the couple cannot simply pick up where they left off in 1962.

Johnny Steinberg (46:38)

And it's very sad because she has moved on. She has lived a full adult life. She has fallen in love with other people. She has also drifted from him politically. She now, more than anything, thinks that apartheid must end violently or not end at all. He's going the opposite direction, and so in his mind, is the woman he loves and his political ally. But really they've become political opponents. And emotionally she's become very detached from him. And so her story is. It's a complicated one. It's one of audacity and nobility and great personal power, but also one of a person going off the rails. It's a complex story, and she's a complex person.

John Hopkins (47:27)

In 1992, they separate with a view to divorce. A devastating personal blow to him. But he hides his pain away from public gaze.

Johnny Steinberg (47:39)

He really felt broken. He really believed that the apartheid regime had made his life a tragedy, ruined his wife, ruined his children. He believed that he shouldn't show any of that on the public stage, that he was his people's leader. And if what he did to them was show anger and ignite theirs, he would drag his country into flames. And so he developed a new Persona which had never really been there before. And that was one of a very avuncular, cheerful, non threatening man who could forgive. And he irradiated that Persona into the world.

John Hopkins (48:13)

There is, though, tension between Mandela and de Klerk amid growing civil violence and the ANC's orchestration of a general strike in protest of the slow progress of talks. Although committed to breaking the stalemate, de Klerk wants guarantees about white minority protection that bog down negotiations. But in September 1992, the two men agree to set up a body to prepare a new national constitution. The fragility of the process is clear a few months later, when a white extremist murders prominent ANC figure Chris Harney. But somehow, Mandela and de Klerk keep talks on track, jointly receiving the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts. A woman struck dead after hearing a haunting whistle. A series of childlike drawings scrawled throughout a country estate. A prize horse wandering the moors without an owner. To the regular observer, these are merely strange anomalies. But for the master detective Sherlock Holmes, they are the first pieces of an elaborate puzzle. I'm Hugh Bonneville. Join me every Thursday for Sherlock Holmes Short Stories. I'll be reading a selection of the super sleuth's most baffling cases, all brought to life in their original, masterful form. The game is afoot and you're invited to to join the chase from the Noiser Network, this is Sherlock Holmes Short Stories. Search for Sherlock Holmes Short Stories wherever you get your podcasts or listen@noiser.com On 26 April 1993, millions of black and white South Africans cast their ballot in the country's first multiracial democratic election. The ANC wins with over 62% of the vote. Mandela is duly elected the nation's president. His inauguration takes place in Pretoria on 10 May, in front of a global television audience of a billion.

Johnny Steinberg (50:34)

We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace. We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can't achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people for national reconciliation.

John Hopkins (51:02)

Amid this day of triumph, he emphasized that he will stay for a single term only. Now well into his 70s, he resolves to hand much of the day to day running of the government to his deputy, Thabo Mbeke. But he plays the ceremonial aspects of the office to perfection, helping South Africa shed its former status as something of an international pariah. Everyone from the people on the street to the most fated celebrities and powerful politicians want to be seen with him. He works hard, too, to head off what he sees as perhaps the greatest threat to the new democracy a white backlash. In 1995, for example, he visits Betsy Vervoud, the widow of Hendrik Verwoud, one of the architects of apartheid before his assassination while serving as prime minister in 1966. The image of Mandela putting a protective arm around the diminutive lady, by now in her 90s, becomes a powerful symbol of the new age. But even this pales against the moment Mandela hands Francois Pienaar the rugby World Cup. South Africa, meanwhile, hopes to heal some of its festering wounds by setting up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. It invites both victims and perpetrators of historical human rights violations to give their testimony with wrongdoers offered the chance of amnesty. While it does not satisfy everyone, for others it is a step towards moving on from the injustices of the past. In 1998, Mandela marries his third wife, Grasse Machel, the widowed former first lady of Mozambique. A year later, the ANC wins another Term. Mandela, as promised, hands the reins of power to his successor, mbeke, before announcing his retirement from public life. He battles ill health, including prostate cancer. But as a global elder statesman, his sporadic public announcements, such as his opposition to the u. S. Led war in iraq, continue to carry weight. In 2013, his health goes into steep decline, and on 5 December, he passes away aged 95, surrounded by family at his Johannesburg home. There follows 10 days of national mourning, with the grief rippling around the globe. A modern life held in virtually unprecedented esteem, but one wrought with personal contradictions.

Johnny Steinberg (53:57)

I think that he understood that without him and without the role that he chose to play, South Africa may have ended up in a very different place, in a very horrible place. And I think that he was immensely proud of that. But he never confused his public life with his private life. He never believed that his fame, his mythical status, could substitute for personal happiness. Very few people got close to him, but those who did heard him say that he was a very sad person, that he believed that the prime of his life was stolen from him, that it could never be returned.

John Hopkins (54:38)

Through immense personal sacrifice and strength, coupled with rare political intelligence and an almost unique ability to connect with people from different walks of life, Nelson Mandela led South Africa to be the promised land of multiracial democracy. Yet his country remains troubled. The divisions between white and black no longer written into law, but still starkly apparent. And the discussion still continues about his lasting achievements, the cost at which they were won, and how the new South Africa has coped without its figurehead.

Johnny Steinberg (55:19)

South Africa is not in a great place now. It is more unequal than it's ever been. There's enormous amount of poverty and unemployment. Almost all of it is black. And so, understandably, young black South Africans are angry. And Mandela's popularity among young black people is waning. Many young black people feel that he bent over backwards for white South Africa, that he wasn't hard enough, that he didn't get a good enough deal. I think that that is harsh and unfair. Firstly, I think young people don't understand quite how close South Africa was to falling apart in the early 90s. And that without Mandela, they may not be a country for them to complain about. I also think that many of the problems that evolved in South Africa subsequently are the fault of his successes. I think the deal he negotiated was a good one. It was majority rule. It was a very progressive constitution. There was no minority veto. And I think that what happened after that actually has very little to do with Mandela. So, yeah, I think his legacy is a profound one and a really important one.

John Hopkins (56:29)

Next time on Short History of We'll bring you a short history of Butch Cassidy.

Johnny Steinberg (56:35)

Butch Cassidy is the oldest of 13 children, and so he had that sense.

John Hopkins (56:40)

Of being the oldest and being the.

Johnny Steinberg (56:43)

Leader is something that carried over from.

John Hopkins (56:46)

His growing up years to then being.

Johnny Steinberg (56:48)

The leader of a wild and woolly gang.

John Hopkins (56:52)

That's next time. If you can't wait a week until the next episode, you can listen to it right away by subscribing to Noiser Plus. Head to www.noiser.comscriptions for more information.

Nadia (57:12)

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