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David Rutherford
Most significant story in US history the elections of 2020. Today I have Professor David Clements on the David Rutherford.
One of my favorite things to do with my show is to bring context to my audience to give them the full story. And as we move into the 2026 election cycle, I think the full story needs to be broadened to go back and include the intensity of what we saw in the fraudulent 2020 elections. Now, I understand that many of you have a lot of things you've heard or seen that you believe can discredit the information that the mountainous amount of information that has been compiled by many different sources in many different ways. One most recent is the book by Ralph Puzzullo with Gary Bernstein called Stolen Elections. There's other information that Mike Lindell has brought forth, but until recently I had been following one man in particular, Professor David Clements, and he has been on the campaign to try and bring this vast amount of information to the entire country. He's given over 200 evidentiary presentations in 47 different states and he does so in a way that's consumable and digestible. So what I wanted to do as we kick this off, because this will become a major focus of this show for the foreseeable future in order to prepare the American public for what they might and will not what they might what they will face in future elections. So without further ado, I'm so honored to bring on award winning professor, Criminal Prosecutor and my favorite, which is a gray haired punk rocker. As a fellow punk rocker, I've got a Social Distortion tattoo all down my side there. It is such an honor to have you on, sir.
Professor David Clements
Hey David, it's good to be with you. I love Social Distortion. I'm glad to hear that. In fact, the band that I played in, we tried to get their guitar tone so Marshall Les Paul type guitars, I got them on the wall.
David Rutherford
But yeah, a little bit of that rockabilly with the, with that undertone kick to it, that west coast punk rock.
Professor David Clements
A little bit yeah, yeah.
David Rutherford
That's awesome. Well, it's so glad to have you on. The documentary that I was referencing is Let My People Go.
Obviously you didn't just go from being a professor in New Mexico to being one of the leading advocates to bring awareness to the American public. So can you really briefly explain how you got from that point to where you started to realize, whoa, I need to look at what's taking place in the election system?
Professor David Clements
Yeah. The catalyst for me was I was a long time prosecutor here on the border. So I live about 30 minutes north of Mexico. And you can't, you just can't do the types of cases that I did unless you, you're very familiar with trafficking, whether it's human trafficking, drug trafficking, and 2020.
You know, if you take out the drugs and just put in votes or ballots, it's vote trafficking. And so it just screamed. I had a very clear vision of what was going on. And I had run for office over a decade ago. And when I ran, it was the introduction of Dominion in my home state. And I just remember being up in a US Senate race, 14,000 votes against my opponent. And the next time that the election night reporting came up on the website, the votes flipped. Now it was completely abstract to me. Then we call up the Secretary of State's office, what just happened? And like, oh, we hadn't counted the mail in ballots yet, that's what accounted for. But I'm sitting there going, how can 5 minutes time elapse and have a complete switch? The precision of it always jarred me. But at the time I didn't have any real skepticism. That's just, I was kind of a product of my environment and I just took them at their word.
But there were moments from that, that night until 2020 where I was always wrestling with this abstract puzzle of like, what the hell happened in my own race that I think prepared me for November 3rd. You know, Dominion all of a sudden took on new life.
The anomalies that everyone saw. And I think the thing that really got my attention the most was the censorship, the fact that people were just shut down, which just got my hackles up. So I had been living a fairly benign life as a law professor and enjoying my career. The stakes were low. The only thing that I really had to worry about were kids complaining about the grades that they got. And it was such a refreshing change from doing murder cases and being underpaid and underappreciated for the better part of my career. But I felt like I was being called into A fight where.
While there were professors that definitely had better credentials and went to better schools, there was just a vacuum of people willing to risk saying out loud what they intuitively knew. And so I guess after leaving that environment of being a prosecutor and. And I could kind of see the change at the university setting from the standpoint of like, if you want to see woke policies in kind of the incubation stage, you go to the university, and that's where I was. So you could see all of the after effects of critical theory or critical race theory. You could see what was going on with the, you know, the push to make sure you treat they them a certain way. And I'm sitting there going, I don't think I want to be a professor if I have to kind of bow the knee and start using people's pronouns. And it was just, it was hostile. And when the fix was in on election night, you would have thought that demons in my university were just shrieking with joy. I mean, they were just. I didn't really understand how much contempt they had for Trump.
But it was, it was loud and it was apparent. And I was kind of just grieved because I always kept my politics to myself. I've always been kind of a small L Libertarian. I wasn't a Trump guy in 2016.
So it was one of those things where I'm sitting there going, I think, number one, I got the man wrong. And I learned that over the first term. By the time we were about halfway through, I'm like, I actually like this guy. I'm going to vote for him.
But in my environment, it's very, very dangerous to voice that as a professor. So everything kind of slowed down.
And I started pushing back in the university, first and foremost, and. Which put a huge bullseye in my back. And then when January 6th happened, I really had a.
Supernatural encounter is the best way I can describe it. When our countrymen were protesting this stolen election in Washington, D.C. i was at my cabin in Riosa, New Mexico. And after Mitch McConnell, Mitt Romney, Kelly Loeffler basically stabbed the country in the back, I was so sickened that I thought that that was the death of our country. There's something on a spiritual level that. That felt the same, grieved me in a way that I don't think I've ever felt. The closest thing I can describe it is while I didn't watch Game of Thrones, read the books, and there's the Red Wedding, where you're sitting there going, oh, my gosh, the Betrayal here is just insane. I felt that second. And so I go out in the woods and.
Something happens. I won't go into it, but it changes me. It rocks me. Like, it's like the closest encounter that I had to the presence of God, of, of a purpose and a call. Wow. And so I come back and my wife is despondent because she saw what I saw on the, on the screen. And I ended up recording a response to my university president who condemned all of the Trump supporters as trying to pull off a coup. And, and I respond to him and I put up a video, kind of like a giant fu video, because I started collecting all of these clips of people that were there that were bragging about their agitation. And as soon as you put something out, the Internet would scrub the video. You couldn't find it. So I had like this library of a ton of videos. I'm like, no, this is a false flag. And I think I was really sensitive to it because I had done a series of active shooter trainings as a prosecutor. Every year you'd have to go into the courtroom and you'd have to have blockers and roles to simulate an event in the event that the courthouse was attacked. And I'm sitting there going, this is a glorified active shooter training. And there's no way you could have convinced me otherwise because of that experience. And so I put out the video and at this point I had, I'm like an award winning this, an award winning that. I've got one of the highest rated professors. Even the liberal folks, they, they just assumed I was liberal. By the way I look, they come into my office, they'd want legal advice. I mean, I'm, I'm fairly well liked. And after I posted that video, forget it, it was over. My career was effectively over. And the bullseye got even bigger because I went on Tucker Carlson show right in five minutes. Everything that I had built up from a career trajectory was over when I went on, on his show. And so I knew my, my time was going to be short lived because I've seen how these people play. It's just, it's dirty. And again, I didn't want to do the zoom teaching either. So part of me was like, I was so sickened by the COVID mandates of walk this direction, go in that door, but don't go in that door that I'm like, I didn't sign up for this. I mean, I had a dream job of being a professor, but it wasn't this version. And then the Other thing that, that really impacted me was I was a consumer protection expert. So the COVID stuff, I would have been the biggest hypocrite on planet Earth if I ignored all the things that were going on with masking.
David Rutherford
Yeah.
Professor David Clements
And so, yeah, you know, my career as a professor was short lived. And then I started interviewing kind of like in, in the old prosecution days, I would have set up a case, I would have done a proof analysis, I would have found witnesses and interviewed them. I'm like, well, I'm not a public servant anymore, but I can interview someone that submitted an affidavit or I can talk to an attorney that, and, and pick their brain. So.
Created kind of the, the, probably the biggest long form library in 2021 of experts that were either attorneys or did the technical work. And within six months, you know, I, I was kind of sought after because the views on some of these videos were like 700, 800,000 views for nobody. I wasn't even on social media. Right. And, and so there's like this part where Kind of Conservative Inc. Is seeing my rise and they're trying to figure out whether they can kind of break me in to be a part of the club. And there's certain third rails that you just can't touch. That's right. And so they liked my story, they liked the fact that I'm conservative, they, they like that I was articulate. But they were really bothered by any discussion of the voting machines. That was like the thing that you just had to stay. It was unspoken. And so I'm surviving. And then I get to the cyber symposium, the first one, and which I look back now, was a giant trap laid by operators to implode the movement right out the gates. But we survived it miraculously. And, and so.
That was kind of my introduction to the world from an election integrity standpoint. But as soon as I left that stage, bar complaints.
Trying to strip me of my license, the hit pieces started coming and for the next year or two kind of felt like a man on an island because there are so many people with bigger megaphones that I thought were heroes of the country and they ignored this issue. So I've been kind of consumed with it. But to wrap up, we got a happy ending in January of this year with a blanket pardon for most of the January six protesters, which was huge. So I spend most of my time now when I'm not putting out articles trying to fortify our elections going forward with national security experts that I've met and become friends with.
David Rutherford
That's that is absolute phenomenal story in terms of like, what I always think about. I mean, I, I come from a similar. I think mine happened probably 10 years prior to everybody. You know, I, I had gone in, you know, my first trip to Afghanistan was the summer O2, and you know, after I remember hearing the stories about the Drawbreaker team, Gary Bernstein's team, the, the ground branch team, the Delta guys that were chasing bin Laden, and then he just magically slips away. And I remember being on the ground trying to.
I was the intel guy trying to get information about, all right, well, where do we pursue them? We tried to do, you know, submit some operations to go and you know, watch the border of Quetta and Spin Bulldog in southeastern Afghanistan, which was an exit point in particular for the Taliban. We tried all these things that they just kept getting shot down, Shot down, shot down. And so I was like, wait a minute, this isn't even a year after 9, 11. And like, we know where the enemy is, why can't we go after him? And there was no explanation. And so I'm like, oh, that's weird. Then I go back the second time in 05 with Blackwater, and I'm a part of the counter drug commandos and training them and mentoring them on missions. And you know, I go on several missions where there's nobody there. And I'm like, wait a minute, why wait this, you know, we have access to DEA files and all this and you know, we know. And then I remember, you know, talking to one of the DA guys and they're like, oh, you think this is real? You think this is, this is like, we're, we're going to damage 95% of the Afghan GDP. And he goes, did you ever hear about the Phoenix program in Vietnam? I'm like, a little bit. I don't, I don't really know. And, and so that opened my eyes like, oh, and that's just about when the Oprah crisis be kickoff in America with cheap opium from Afghanistan. Then the final coup de gr for me was working for the agency in, in 2010 and 2011 and being in Pakistan in 2011 and the drone strikes that were just, just unleashed all over the world. I mean, more drone strikes than we ever did before. And it was just like, you know, going and looking at the BDA and going, wait a minute, you know, you know, what's going on here? And, and just really began to understand that what I thought I knew was not what was actually going on. And that really began to shape it. And then I Think really within, probably when the IRS scandal against conservative libertarian nonprofits started, I was like, oh, this is internal as well, too. And at first, I just kind of wrote it off as. As, all right, this is just the way different political parties operate. There's always something. But then, you know, it began. It really began to shift, and you started to see kind of these color revolutions emerge around the world and, you know, and what they were attached to and whatever. And then for me, the really, the final point where I was just like, no, this is. This is bigger than anything I could ever imagine was the investigations into Trump and then how Clinton was handled with all of her classified material, her server, how that went away. Then it focused on Trump as a Russian asset, which was just on face, just the most bizarre thing I'd ever. And that was it. After that, I've never gone back and been like, all right, our institutions are intact. There's a consistency of governance that's for the people. And you combine in the other aspect, the.08 bailouts of corporations and all this stuff. And if you're paying attention in any. Not even in depth, you don't even have to get into it in the manner with which you've gotten into it or some of these other people, but just on the surface, if you're paying attention, you begin to add it all together, and you realize what we understand to be true is just not true. It's a manipulated form of reality. And I love how in the documentary Let My People Go, you talk about how to teach kids to discern lies from truth. And the quote was in it is, you dream of breaking through the feed, which keeps us asleep. Can you just talk about that quest and. And what you mean by that?
Professor David Clements
Yeah, well, I mean, I think the. The film opens up with a propaganda trailer, right? And. And.
You know, and once you get done with the theater, I'm sitting in the middle of it, surrounding by people that are just paralyzed, right, because they're. They're receiving the story. And I can't tell you how many people that have seen the film have come up to me and resonated with that, like, just feeling that, like, they're alone, like everyone at the Thanksgiving table. Some are jabbed, some aren't. You know, some people can talk about Trump. Some people lose their minds. And I think the quest for me started quite a bit before 2029, 11. You know, my wife, structural engineer. So building seven presented problems. And I just remember feeling so silly about how you. You kind of have to do this dance to Talk to people about, you know, what do you think about that and how, you know, it's a little. It's like a scene out of the Matrix where people start glitching because you can't. There's something about their programming. We can't talk about that. And also wrestling with my own probably cowardice that I, you know, I don't want to make waves, if I'm being honest.
And, you know, and I came from a pretty dysfunctional background, so I wasn't in a place of leadership. I mean, I was stocking, you know, grocery shelves. So it's not like I had the weight of the world. Like, I'll be the one to prove to you the problems about 9 11. But I just remember, just in casual conversation, like, I know in my heart that what I saw isn't real. I know in my heart that this guy named W, if he's not evil, he's controlled by evil people. And that journey developed.
And it was like I'd get a red pill each year. I mean, I wasn't taking the whole bottle at once. Like, my brother's a complete conspiracy theorist, but he took the bottle all at once. And it was always telling me, like, you know, it's the end of the world this, end of the world that. And it wasn't a very healthy way.
But I was phased in. And the second big structural shift in the way that I thought about politics was the Federal Reserve. And my long paper in law school was on whether the Federal Reserve had ever received a meaningful audit. And you know, the answer to that is no. But when you realize that 74% of economic literature, at least at the time, is Fed sponsored, you'll find out that there's no criticism of the Fed. So I was trying to look for source material. That question about whether or not centralized planning was a good or bad idea and you could find anything, you'd have to go to the Mises Institute, you'd have to listen to Ron Paul. And I just remember submitting that paper to professors that were like adherents of Keynesian economics. And it was like they're just looking at me with kind of discussed like, why would you. Why would you write this type of thing? Yes, but I remember being offended by that because you'd have politicians talking about the bridge to nowhere and pork barrel spending. But the amounts were like, you know, a million bucks here. I mean, start still large dollar amounts. But you compare that with Congressman Alan Grayson grilling the inspector general of the Federal reserve on where $9 trillion went. And she had no answer for it. And I'm sitting there watching the hearing, and I'm looking around. I'm like, nothing that we talk about from policy, from a policy standpoint, from an economic standpoint, makes any sense. It's all noise, it's all theater. So the Depression kind of sets in on, like, okay, I'm definitely unplugged from the Matrix, but it still was abstract because it hadn't affected me personally, not yet. And when I became a prosecutor, that was really when you were talking about your experience in, you know, the overseas theaters of war. For me, as a civilian prosecutor, realizing how much power the cartels had over my office, over the judges, you kind of go in with these aspirational ideas of, I'm going to be a white hat. I'm going to be a person that's going to fight for the truth. And you're sitting there going, my God, my district attorney that I work for is more corrupt than anyone that I've prosecuted. And this was also around the time that Edward Snowden had the revelations of prison. And PRISM was a tool used by special operations divisions. And I headed up a task force that included the dea, you know, as a Haida attorney. So it was high intensity drug trafficking areas. I was the senior attorney for three counties here on the border. And we'd have these hits where people would go to locations and have seizures of drugs. And I'm sitting there going, how in the world did you all know to bring a drug dog to a propane tank in the middle of Pepper's grocery store? Like, someone just explained to me what prompted you to do that. And you'd end up pulling that thread, right? And next thing you know, you're almost 100% certain that they're using PRISM as a tool in my cases. And the problem with that is that they were teaching the agents parallel reconstruction. So they were fudging their reports to never let people know or tip them off that they were using the tool which violated the accused confrontation rights. It violated Brady, it violated all kinds of laws. So I'm sitting there going, wow, for about six years. Almost every case in here is probably questionable from a standpoint of the convictions. So I had a crisis of conscience then where I remember it like it was yesterday, the task force comes in. It's like a scene from Sicario. These guys had just got out of the gym, they got their gear, and they. It's clear they want to intimidate me as a young attorney, letting me know how things work, that they're the ones that get the drugs off the street. They're the ones. And I'm just being gaslit all to hell. And come to find out that many of them were selling drugs out of the evidence lockers because trial they were funding their own operations.
And I remember just looking at them and I told them, I'm going to dismiss all these cases that I found where I felt the tool was being used. And that didn't bother them at all, which is a problem. I said, but unlike the dismissals you're used to, because it's called a noli prosecchi, which is basically in the interest of justice, you dismiss it. You don't provide any factual basis for why you're doing it. It's under the discretion of the acting attorney. I said, I'm going to identify you all publicly. And I did this in 10 cases. And I walked it over to the courthouse and I met with the judge in that district and I told him that I'm dismissing these cases. And I want you to know I'm not corrupt. So because some people could accuse me of dismissing the case, I'm doing something. It's like I identify them. I want you to know. And for all I know, he could have been cartel bot. But I knew I could not be a drug prosecutor on the border with the task force that I was. That I was using. And then I wrote up a memo, took the cases over to the public defender's office and told them, if you guys care about your clients, you should appeal every drug conviction in this jurisdiction going back six years. Wow. And had a meeting with the district attorney. This was a gal that was a user. There was a civilian recording of her weaving in and out of traffic, driving a state car. And they call in state troopers to come in, and she's practicing her field sobriety test. So you put it all together. And I remember telling her, because I wanted to be a white hat prosecutor, one of the good guys. And I remember having to tell her, like, do not dismiss this case. If this agent comes to you over my head and tries to get rid of this, they're, you know, they're corrupt. So I was fighting my own agency.
David Rutherford
Oh, my gosh.
Professor David Clements
And told her. I was like, look, if you want to fight corruption in our office, I'll stay. If you don't, I'm gone. And of course, she didn't care because, you know, it was one of those things where you're trying to pick a jury for a DWI case. And the entire community knows that your boss Got away with it. So these are the types of things that kind of informed you and it breaks your heart because you're sitting there going, where do I go? Like, because there was a way to do the job and get paid.
And come home and just kind of go through the motions. They would let you get low level convictions of mules, but they would time things. They would know which border patrol agent was bought off to make sure that when the big loads came in, they weren't going to check that car. And the money that they had funding their operation was embarrassing compared to what we had. So we would have like binoculars looking into these desert patches and they'd be looking back at us with gear.
David Rutherford
Yeah. Infrared hologram sites.
Professor David Clements
Yeah.
David Rutherford
Night vision. Yeah, for sure.
Professor David Clements
So all of that to say that, you know, the, you know, once you've had your heart broken about.
You know, the way that you thought the world works, you can function. It's, it's, it's like you're kind of dead to the world and as long as you don't care what it thinks, you can operate. But if you're torn between the two worlds of I want to be accepted, I want the promotion, then it's, it's soul fracturing. And I think by the time 2020 came around, I was so sickened that I just didn't care. I didn't care if I got fired, I didn't care if the papers wrote something about me. It's like, why the hell am I even on this, this planet? If I've got to pretend that what I saw at the universe or what happened on election night is real, I'm not, I'm not okay with this.
And so it was kind of all in. I was all in. And you have to count the cost on how you're going to be attacked, how your family's going to be attacked. And so I've. From death threats to witches and warlocks, cursing, weird stuff that, I mean, I can't even explain the stuff that's happened on a spiritual level to my family, the protection we've received from prayer warriors.
It's been the most surreal five year journey where not only did my career just implode, but I'm also like on a private jet riding with Mike Lindell, I'm having dinner with President Trump, I'm across the table from General Flynn, I'm going to Dallas, having lunch with city pal. And everyone's got their own battles and their own imperfections. Like none of these people are perfect. You find out that they're just like you. Like, they're, they're manipulated. Psyop after psyop. So much information was thrown my way. That was garbage. And you're sifting through it. So, you know, there's a period of, of probably a year where you're. You're just seeing red. Like, the paranoia. I mean, people cannot understand the level of paranoia. And, and there was a season where I tried to master that, because I'm sitting there going, I don't trust anyone. I don't trust anything. And the enemy is probably really happy with that outcome. And I think around mid-2022.
I just kind of had a quiet conversation with God about, all right, how do I do this? How do I operate? Because this is so different. Not only is the government not going to save us, they're the biggest threat to my existence. And that's hard to say as a longtime government prosecutor. Like, okay, the biggest danger are people with badges and a printing press. So.
In the film, it was important to talk about those spiritual dynamics.
But also the psychological ones, because a lot of people are sitting there going, why don't you just get right to the elections? No, just get right to it. And what they don't realize is that I've done so many.
Evidence presentations where I would have people and I could answer all of their questions and their response would be, if you're right, then how come a judge didn't take the case? And that was their argument. So if you don't address that psychological aspect of, yeah, because the judiciary is captured. That's why. But you have to lay it out for them. You actually have to show them the Milgram test, the Ash line test, and show like, I'm not crazy. Like, this is documented science where people will go with the crowd 9 times out of 10 if it means, you know, they might look silly to the world.
David Rutherford
David, it's absolutely just unbelievable what you were exposed to, what you had to go through and what you were able to endure. And I cannot wait to dig deeper into this and what emerged out of it, what strength came out of you. But before we do, I just gotta. I gotta pay the bills. And I'm excited, so excited that the organization that wants to support this show, that is one of our primary sponsors, just love this company so much. Those that run it, they're all real patriots, and that's Patriot Mobile. Every choice we make is an opportunity for us to stand for freedom. Even something as simple as where you spend your money and what cell phone service and coverage you have now. Here's the truth. Most cell phone providers, they don't care about you. They just want your money. Patriot Mobile, I believe, is different. For over 12 years, they have stood with Americas who believe in faith, family and freedom. That's what we're talking about today on this show, right? Contributing millions of dollars to Christian and conservative causes. The best part is with Patriot Mobile, you don't have to sacrifice quality or service. Patriot Mobile offers premium access on all three major US networks, so you enjoy the same or better premium coverage as the other carriers. All right, and here's the deal. If you think switching is complicated, you're dead wrong. It's not. It's easy. You keep your number, you keep your form, or you can totally upgrade. It's up to you. But Patriot Mobile's a 100% US based team. And I promise you they will get you activated in just minutes. Just, you know, the other challenges we always face is contracts. You're getting stuck in these. Well, guess what? All that's over. If you're in a contract or still own money on your phone, it's not a problem. They even have a contract buyout program. So all I gotta ask you is what are you waiting for? Go to patriotmobile.com rutherford or call 972 Patriot. And when you go, use the promo code Rutherford R U T H E R F O R D and you will get a free month of service. That's patriot mobile.com forward/rutherford or call 972-patriot. All right, David, let's. Let's get back to the. This is one of the heaviest stories I've ever heard. I just can't believe your courage. Let's. I just wanna. Let's dig in a little bit deeper.
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David Rutherford
You know it it took me. I mean, obviously if you become a member of the special operations community, you're gonna have to ingest a fair share of indoctrination, right? To just, you know, be pointed in a direction and to go, you know, after whoever they tell you to go after in with which we do. And then at the intelligence agency, you have to become comfortable with you don't need to know that just go do what I tell you to do. Right. And that hyper compartmentalization, you know, and, and what, you know, the, it's a, it's a completely different way that they indoctrinate case officers, that, the way they indoctrinate special operations. But you, you have to fuse those together and you have, they're, they're dependent upon one core principles of, of that never quit highly dangerous, high risk operational mindset to shut up and just do what we tell you. You don't need to know why, you know. And so like it took me a long time to unravel that and it was also part of my own spiritual faith that ended up doing that as well too. And which took me probably from 2012, two to really 2017, 18 when I, when I met my new wife, who was a person who's fundamentally imbued, imbued with the recognition of her own truth, which is her faith and her family and her deeds. And so that really helped me kind of cross the line of it. But in context of these other systems that were fundamentally broken to their core, right? And the big ones, we're not just talking the operational systems of a particular region or area, but like the big systems on, you know, how we partner with criminal elements to elicit intelligence that fulfills the need we want for a particular shift or change in, in a particular government and a cover, a color revolution. Right, like you're starting. Wait a minute, whoa, we're doing what? And, and, and it's that pull, it's that spiritual pull. It's, it's, it's, you know, it's that hey, you know, this is wrong. But, and you know you're being betrayed, but you still have to feed your family. You have these skill sets that are valuable in a particular, well, they're, they're, they're a derivative of that system. And you're in this sense of betrayal of yourself, the system and, and your overall.
What is it? It's that, it's that desire not to want to let go of, of the comfort of, of ignorance. Right. That cognitive dissonance. Right.
Professor David Clements
Everything that you're saying, like I, I resonate with so strongly because there really is, there has to be. You have to be okay with the death of self.
David Rutherford
Yeah.
Professor David Clements
It's the only way that you can navigate beautifully put what you're talking about. Because if you're split down the middle, you're of no use to your family, you're of no use to the world. You're definitely of no use to God. And, you know, so it's a loan. It's a very lonely place because you're. You're spending most of your time in your own head. And. And from the outside, it's like, you know, everything looks okay, but your soul's damaged. Right? And I think that's what was probably the biggest learning curve for me in and transitioning from a public servant as a prosecutor. Even though I had law enforcement bona fides and I had a badge and I had undercover agents, I was still working with the premise that the government, at least my idea of parts of it, are the good guys and these are bad guys. And once you disabuse yourself of the notion. No, no, actually, that's a high value target for Satan. That's a high value target for infiltration. And that was probably the biggest growth in my discernment over five years. Is that in a nation state game? And when you talk about elections, it's as nation state as it gets. It doesn't get any more nation state. I'm telling you right now. I've talked about COVID and elections. Out of the two, it's far more dangerous to talk about rigged elections.
David Rutherford
Can I ask you one reference? Because Jordi and I were talking before. The way I kind of assess it right now is.
The jab itself was a global scale of betrayal, right? Five billion people injecting that poison into themselves, gene altering, gene editing, substances that had no, no efficacy, no nothing.
As a play for compliance, right? As an idea of compliance, as well as who knows, whatever nefarious ideas that are underneath it. I mean, obviously, when you dig into.
The fact that DARPA made it, how they export it, that whole thing, I mean, that's mind blowing, but that's like humanity. But this itself and what I firmly believe, and I believe this in all of my. Everything in my being, that America represents the last bastion before total chaos, right? It's the thing that gives the rest of. Of. Of at least us. It gives us hope that there is still a framework that can be rebuilt or reconstituted if enough people get behind and have this awakening, have this sense of the regain what it's regaining a truth of what you know is true versus what you want to believe, right? That it can. It can happen here. That and 500 million guns and. And, you know, who knows, maybe like 2 trillion rounds of ammunition. Also have a knife, a nice buffer system to it. But. But do you think of it in that context or do you really like how. How do you Rate the intensity of what it means that our election systems, I mean, if you believe what.
Gary's research does in terms of 76 foreign countries have been manipulated, in particular South Central America. And then you have what they estimate they've said tens of thousands of little and big elections in America since 2011. Is that in your mind, the greatest challenge that we have in, in not only in America, but in the world?
Professor David Clements
I, I do. And I think that's why it's so jealously guarded by legacy media, why most of the appointments from Obama and, you know, to the degree the Republicans got those appointments wrong, they themselves were part of the problem, to create gatekeepers. So from a standpoint of who signs off on what people can do from, you know, cases that you would, you would receive through intake as a sheriff, you find out that Soros has greased the skids and put people in strategic places in swing states. And so you start looking at this like it's a giant matrix of how would you undermine a country? And they are so systematically disciplined and how they did it. That's why it was so hard to believe, because people were sitting there going, 2020, surely this is just garden variety fraud that we caught in a few places. But it's not the entire thing.
David Rutherford
Even the Dominion CEO said that.
Professor David Clements
Right?
David Rutherford
Yeah.
Professor David Clements
And so they would concede that. And you know, and you're sitting there going, no, the data tells a much, much different story. So to me, it's, it's kind of like I look at this from a kingdom standpoint, like kingdom of heaven, kingdom of darkness. The old stories are the true ones. Right. And I look at humanity and I look at, you know, just like God's got his angels, he's got believers that can be vessels for righteousness to imbue a country with, with, with virtue. And on. You have the same thing on the other side. You've got people that are being used by something evil. It's a demonic spirit that works in and through them. And that, that's what accounts for people, that when you talk with them, facts come out of your mouth. You've got all of the arguments. You're right, you're substantively right. And their eyes glaze over and they don't care. Like what accounts for that, because that's really the, the focal point of if this is just about rationality and reason, we win. So. And it's not enough to say that Biden's dumb or Kamala is an idiot. It's like, no, right, they're performing, they're performing and what is idiocy to use because they are not acting rationally or in conformance with the truth. It's like, no, we're actually the idiots because we don't realize that we're being played and manipulated by them. And we engage in the perception theater by, you know, parroting a story that we see on Fox News or parroting a story that we see on cnn as if we should ever use those entities to affirm reality. Right? So I look at, you know, you got the two kingdoms and then you've got something that Satan has always been into subjugation and slavery. And the quality of slave is different than it was in the Civil War. We don't need the strong fit African American male in chains. We don't need to beat them. We'll do the exact opposite. We're going to use white, weak beta males. We're going to feed their, their senses with pleasure, not pain. And we're still going to rip them off 50 to 60 cents on the dollar. That's a pretty good return. And as long as we can keep them fed with garbage food, give them Netflix for cheap, they'll show up to their job and we'll keep taking from them. It's a parasitic type of environment. So when you look at it that way, the machines writ large, I'm talking about the entire system is the slave master's new whip. It's the tool and it's what makes everything go. So when I say that this is more important than covet, it's not to diminish the loss of human life and the bioweapon treachery. What I'm talking about is that the slave master tool is.
Is, is ground zero for perception on policy making, whether someone's elected or selected. So every issue you care about, whether it's babies, Bibles, bullets, Covid, they're all downstream from that black box that no one will let you audit. So whoever controls the black box controls the economy. They control the House, the Senate, the judiciary. They control the talking points. They control the levers of subsidization, of taking your tax dollars and weaponizing your own tax dollars against you. And so that's, that's the battle. And right now the biggest obstacle that I have isn't the radical left because I can see them a mile away. It's not, it's not even the establishment Republicans. It's conservative Inc. It's something that walks and talks and looks a lot like maga. And boy, are they effective in communicating things that are Mostly right, mostly true. But there's a little subtle pivot. And I'll give you a perfect example of this. And it's probably one of the reasons why I don't get invited to the prom with any of these conservative events. But there is still this wholesale.
Protection of the machines. Yeah. And most recently, Raheem Kassam did a puff piece through the National Pulse selling the Liberty Vote acquisition of Dominion as a wonderful thing. Like it was the death nail to Dominion. And I have a very well placed source that had a one on one conversation with Rahim. He did not disclose that he had a conflict of interest. There is a concerted interest in D.C. to do the rebrand, to keep the machines there, of course. And, and when you look into the owner and CEO of Liberty Vote, he has been in the election space for 15 plus years. He ran an election in Kosovo for the, the Obama administration. He was a pioneer of the electronic poll books, which give you all the metrics that you need to figure out how many fake ballots to create. He acquired a group called B Pro and merged with it. B Pro is responsible for this thing called Total Vote. It's a, it's a completely cloud based technology where you can elegantly subvert elections in microseconds. So when you get it out of your head that it's not about, you know, whether China is hacking into our machines, it's codified fraud where you've got tax dollars being laundered back into NGOs. And our own Department of Homeland Security through the center for Internet Security, has entered into legal contracts to live behind your precinct firewalls so they don't have to hack. They get to live there because we signed the paperwork and it's our tax dollars that put them there. And they hate maga, they hate Trump, they hate you, they hate me. And now they've got this integrated cloud based technology that not only allows them to monitor voter rolls, election tallies, election night reporting, but they can change it. So most of the evidence that we placed in that film weren't hypothetical subversions. These were, you know, documented subversions where we gave you actual proof along that assembly line. But what Ralph and Gary did in their interview with Laura Logan was get confirmation from the smartmatic whistleblowers that are telling us. And it was pretty cool to be affirmed, saying, you know something, we were right. We didn't see all of the gaps, but if you overlay their disclosures with our work, you see this, this nice niche. But right now, the biggest concern and biggest worry for people like myself are.
Thinking about this like it's a football team. You know, now that a Republican's in control of Dominion, we can all take a break. Right. And that's the kind of stuff. And then the other thing is that there's no remedy that I can think of where the legislature will get its acting gear, because they are there by virtue of these machines. They have no interest in getting rid of them. So you've got to dream up a legal avenue that Trump can declare, not ask, not beg, not jockey for approval, but he's going to do what he needs to do as the Commander in chief and treat the subversion of our elections no different than an intercontinental ballistic missile. He doesn't have to ask Congress to strike down a missile. It's that framework where he can go in there and say, you know, I'm not asking you when Serbia is coming in here and when Venezuela is coming in and intervening in our elections. That is. Is the most undermining thing that you can do to a country's, country's sovereignty. So when I look at the airspace in Venezuela, I'm here to tell people, if you think this is about drugs.
David Rutherford
Yeah, yeah.
Professor David Clements
That it's not.
David Rutherford
Yeah. They don't know, they don't get. They don't understand the totality because it's so big.
Professor David Clements
Right? Yes. And not only that, it. But you've got all these people that will pull out their pocket constitution for a day and, like, whether it's Marjorie Taylor Greene or Rand Paul, and these are people that I historically used to really, you know, like. But they're so quick to tell you that Congress gets to declare war. And I'm sitting there going, you guys sat on your hands while the war was brought to us and there was an actual invasion at the border and there was a digital invasion in our code. And so the President does not have to wait for Congress, he does not have to listen to a court to repel that invasion. You know, and so that's the framework. And I think, I think Trump's there, but if he puts on the mantle of Article 2 power, he's working under his plenary authority as Commander in Chief. He just needs to do what he needs to do, because if he doesn't, and we're just playing this political optics game, then it's. It's game over. Right.
David Rutherford
Let me ask you a question. So the. Obviously, I, Everybody listening. You, you have to. We're going to put the link to the documentary and it'll lay out the details of, of what David gets into, on, on the systems, how they do it. It's, it's a brilliantly done. You'll, you'll really enjoy it. But the thing that I think always, and you referenced this in the beginning of our discussion was the idea, all right, there's, you know, nobody heard these, these 90 cases. There was no merit there for, for evident for evidence to be brought forth to be able to do it. And I think everybody goes, well, if that's the case, bring it forward legally in some type of RICO conspiracy case and try it through the court systems.
And we'll get to a place where legally we can make the changes and force the Congress and the Senate and whatever to do it. Why is that so unrealistic and that emergency, almost an emergency powers act of national security is the only way to dismantle the system? Why can't we do a grand, like the people of the United States, some giant class action lawsuit that you have 20 million people sign a petition to be a part of, and then you go, why can't that take place right now?
Professor David Clements
Yeah, I, I, if people asked me how Trump could make good on his two most important promises, you know, promise number one, you know, when he put his hand on the Bible in 2017 and said, I'm going to give you back your country.
That'S a, that's a huge promise. You could say that it's, you know, just speech writing. And then the other thing is that he said that he caught them all. He caught them all. So his, his presidency will be judged on whether he can keep those two promises. And as it stands right now, maybe he's done the most important part of, of getting us there, but we haven't seen the accountability.
David Rutherford
Right.
Professor David Clements
And so in 2021, if, even then, if someone asked me, Dave, do you think that he can drain the swamp through a DOJ or a civilian system? And the answer is no, that's the system. I, I, me a more or less master to, and due process concerns are just too high for the accused in a civilian framework. And so when you've got people that can wait out the clock, and we're not talking about your garden variety thug or criminal, we're talking about John Brennan. That's right. Hillary Clinton not only going to lawyer up, they're going to have every single conceivable argument and they can appeal to authority because a lot of the sources are coming from captured elements of the government. So one of the biggest and most frustrating things to do during COVID Was, you know, you couldn't argue and win in court because the CDC had an official statement from the government telling you what reality was. And so even in the cyber arenas, you had the sizes of the world, you had the Department of Homeland Security, you had Chris Krebs telling you that everything's perfect. So how do you fight that when the rules of evidence in a court system treat many of those sources as self authenticating, meaning they come in by virtue of it, it came from the government and therefore it is evidence and it's in front of the jury or the judge and everyone else that's telling the truth has been destroyed by a USAID funded news network. And when they do a comparative analysis between the internews and some glorifying puff piece for.
These poor election clerks that are being accosted by people like me, you lose nine times out of 10. And so, you know, I'm, I'm reminded not as a, because I'm not a soldier like you. I, I came in this as kind of a, kind of a bastard kid that found his way into a really weird place and God put you there, you know that he did. But, but, but there's this, this thing of, okay, I'm familiar with the Art of War and the, the famous quotes of keep your, your friends close, your enemies closer. And when before you even take a, you know, step onto the battlefield, there's these maxims and I'm sitting there going, if Trump is who I think he is, then I need to expand the way that I think and I need to start thinking about tools that no mere mortal civilian has that he has. And what is it about this guy that he walks differently, he talks with confidence and he's not faking it. You can tell when people fake it. And so you start thinking, okay, I have helped the public understand how rigged elections are through civilian sources, public records, and I think we've carried the day from our end. But if you were to ask someone to prove it beyond, you know, any doubt, then you're getting into a space force, NSA paradigm.
David Rutherford
Yes.
Professor David Clements
Where, where the commander in chief can declassify and show you exactly how it's done. Right. Trump's got that. So when he says he's got it all and why he, he doesn't seem worried. It's just a question of will you use an emergency broadcast system? Will you force feed and just force these tyrants to take a look at their tyranny and let the public look on?
David Rutherford
Wow.
Professor David Clements
That's what's going to be required but it's going to have to be a military commission tribunal setting to do the level of efficient prosecution that's necessary. So RICO is great, racketeering is okay, but you're talking about 20 year caps and due process rights that are not built for mass prosecution. It's just not. So when people get upset with Cash Patel, Pam Bondi, what's going on with James Comey? Trump is not who I think he is if he's going to solve this problem through the doj, because it's, it's, it's beyond them to handle this. So I started looking at military commissions and I wanted to ask the question and answer it legally without, you know, any of the, the, the, the mystique that comes from Q and some of the other stuff that's out there, which I find absolutely fascinating. I'm not someone that craps on that stuff at all because in many respects they're so far ahead of, of everyone on just critical thinking. But I want to ask, legally, what can Trump do? And there's a case called the Youngstown decision. It's the preeminent case on war powers where the President's power starts and stops. And it was written by Justice Jackson's, the concurrence in particular. And he was a Nuremberg prosecutor. So this is a guy who had, had experienced the unthinkable in a Post World War II Arena. And we're there again, like we're in a Nuremberg like moment. And he talked about the President's powers, about being at their peak when he's got Congress's backing. It's at its lowest ebb when they're fighting him. And we all have to concede right now that there is no, there's no way that Congress will work with President Trump to solve any, any of the things that we're talking about, which means he has to act in open defiance of a captured Congress, number one. Number two, if, if the military is part of this, you have to explain the oddities of what happened with Biden. This human gaffe machine. Why does it look like he's on a movie set? Why does it look like it's not the same person? Why is he taller? I mean, these are all things where people can write it off and walk past it and say, dave, you're crazy. But I'm telling you right now, when President Trump tells you at Quantico that he's the 45th, 46th and 47th president, but he doesn't want to take the credit for the 46th term, when you've got him brandishing a chart at rallies and it says that he left office in the lower corner in April 2020. That's not a typo that you can, you know, right. Just pass by at rally after rally after rally and he says, this is the chart that saved my life. And everyone just ignores that, that thing in the corner. So I'm sitting there, I want to take Trump at his word. That's the way that I'm looking at this. I'm going to stop being twisted and turned by all the different talking heads. Is he telling me the truth? Because if he left office, the only way that that makes sense is through a continuity of government framework. So what are the legal circumstances that would justify continuity of government? And if you look at where our country was in April of 2020, it checks off all the boxes. You've got a bioweapon, you've got US citizens being killed and murdered by chemical agents. You've got.
People already telegraphing how they're going to take over the elections and have the influx of mail in ballots. I think the military was signaling to Trump that you can give them the ultimatum, open up by Easter or else. And what did the intelligence agencies do that were captured? They gave him the middle finger. That's right. And it was game on, white hats, black hats. But he had to play this artful narrative battle where now 2020 to me isn't even a real election. It's a, it's, it's about perception, theater. Because even if he would have seized the machines through an executive order, which he had the legal authority to do, he would have lost the narrative war because the narrative seating was so strong from people saying that he was a tyrant that would never let go of power and people wouldn't have known enough at that point to weather that type of, of conflict.
David Rutherford
Right.
Professor David Clements
So you look back and you're sitting there going, well, all of a sudden.
I, I now can have an accounting for the confusing mess. That was Joe Biden, who was the greatest red pill dispenser that I've ever seen.
I can now understand why war torn areas, there was no heavy military presence in places like Afghanistan. And you know this better than anyone. There's no way that the military industrial.
Complex would leave those opium fields. They would leave certain places that, that were funding their pockets. And so what you, you saw was a vestige of control on the corrupted aspects of the intelligence agencies, the money laundering operations through Ukraine. But when it came to military might and actually going places that we had been for 20 years. Notice that all of that was gone under, under Biden's watch.
David Rutherford
Right.
Professor David Clements
So it presents a lot of questions. Right. And, and then you've got again the Quantico statement. So you add it all together.
And it looks like a shadow presidency was in effect.
And that presents questions. But if that's the case, I can now explain away.
How in the world the National Guard can be federalized and deployed to do policing in the United States which would otherwise violate Posse Comitatus. I can make sense of the fact that Trump doesn't seem to be bothered by any legal ruling that seems to go against him. I can make sense of why he designated antifa as a terrorist organization. Venezuela narco terrorist is a terrorist organization. Understand that the interplay of Smartmatic having a foothold in each camp.
And then you start seeing that there is a plan.
And I've got confidence and it's about when do you execute on that plan to pull the rug from everyone, to not let the cockroaches scatter. And so he's got three years to perfect this and do it right and do it by the book. So when I started looking at the ucmj, all of a sudden the things that I was having heartburn over started to find their place.
I researched the Dakota Wars. This is the, the biggest trial of, of enemy combatants. One tribunal did 396 cases in 37 days. Wow. So you do the math. You're going, wait a minute, okay, that's one tribunal. What happened if we had 20 military courts?
David Rutherford
Yeah.
Professor David Clements
Over a six month period you could do 15,000 trials like that. You want to do more, you know, go a year, go two years, go three years. So the framework starts to make sense on what Trump is doing. And I think the frustration of many American consumers or patriots is that they just are kind of pissed that they don't get the debrief and I don't get the debrief. It's not like the President's telling me what he's doing. But there's this huge thing called the military that none of us are pondering, none of us are thinking about. And it's going to take that kind of authoritative power that we're outmatched under certain categories of strife where I'm not worried about Judge Boasberg, I'm not, I'm not worried about the judiciary as long as the military has President Trump's back. And I will concede it's a big if. Right. Until we see victory, I'm either a completely you know, brainwashed lunatic for even espousing these things on your show. Or I'm right, your pet is your.
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This is.
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Professor David Clements
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David Rutherford
Well, for me, by the way, thank you. That was absolutely outstanding layout for the possibility of what could go. And you know, there's always the people like going, this is bold. There's no way Trump has the capacity for 4D chess or 5th generation warfare or whatever it is. And you know, obviously, you know, he's been around it long enough to know and he's been under attack long enough to know that, you know, and he survived. That's the first thing. I mean, we've seen many other cases throughout history where presidents did not survive that attack and went away quickly. And so that's the thing that gives me hope. And everybody's like, well, he's part of it. And you know, he's, he's just one of their minions. But for me, the biggest thing lately that kind of lined up was the show of Force Alpha Venezuela.
Professor David Clements
Right.
David Rutherford
The categorization of both antifa and the cartels as terrorist organizations. And then the most recent one was you see the opposing force come out and basically say, hey, if you're in the military, it's okay to disobey orders. Like, it's, it's your duty, right? It's your duty to disobey these unlawful orders. Which is, in my opinion, in line, like, I, I didn't think about it in terms of like, what you did with the military tribunals and the magnitude or scale of, of, of prosecution in that level. But it's, it's act. Obviously the military is a key component of enforcing these types of things. And, you know, that's why we're starting to see the assaults on. Yeah, go ahead. I'm sorry.
Professor David Clements
It's the only way, if we're looking at the art of war, that Trump wins before he takes the first step right onto the battlefield. I mean, and so the things that you're talking about are key. But there's one thing that to me has kind of pushed me over the edge to think that, okay, the military has to be involved and that's the outcome of November, last November, November 2024. Knowing what I know and knowing what you saw in the film, there is no way in hell Trump could have.
Reacquired his position in the White House unless there was a significant intervention that would have required the kind of backing from a United States military. There's no way. And the huge disparity between what we saw in 2024 versus 2020, there's two things that stand out. Number one, when it came to Trump's races, you did not see the material, materialization of that dreaded F curve where at all, right, Trump is up by tens of thousands of ballots, and then all of a sudden Kamala on election night gets to pass them. And that's election night reporting. That's not real ballots. That's just what we see on the television screens, on those, on those trackers. That didn't happen. So when we talk about Gary Bernson and Ralph Pizzulo and the stuff that was going on in Serbia overseas, that has a bearing on the perception theater of what we were able to see and be fed through our programming. And people weren't being given this fictional report that Kamala eked it out that was not allowed to transpire, which is really, really key because there's this anecdotal that Joe Rogan shared when he was at the watch party with Elon Musk, and this was before the races were called. Elon supposedly checks his app on his phone and says, it's over. Trump won. Now, what in the world did he have in his hand to be able to say that so confidently?
David Rutherford
Right.
Professor David Clements
Well, I think what it was, that was the confirmation of the intervention that took place that they could not rig the perception of votes coming in.
David Rutherford
Right, right.
Professor David Clements
To showcase Kamala in the lead. And. And then you're sitting there going, okay, if it was anyone else, you could disregard it. But you're talking about SpaceX, you're talking about Elon Musk, who has put a Manhattan Project level disbursement of thousands of satellites Right, right into the atmosphere. And wherever you have satellite dominance and satellite infrastructure that works in tandem with the nsa, you really have the final tool on what you get to see on a screen on a television. So they had a answer for that that didn't appear to materialize in 2020. So that's number one. Number two, there were interdiction efforts to stop the influx of mail in ballots showing up on the scene in places like Pennsylvania, where they got through in 2020. It didn't happen in Trump's races. In 2024. So how does he have the ability as a non president? Because again, Biden's still in. How is it that Space Force or some type of cyber intervention was able to stop the bad guys?
Where did the force of law come in to all of a sudden? Stop vans loaded with ballots in strategic places? Why did it work this time? But it couldn't work when Trump was effectively the one who was in control of all of that in November of 2020, you know, five years ago. So these are the kinds of questions that I just tell people, don't walk past. And it was also so artful that there was enough corruption and fraud that you couldn't say that the elections were fixed because you had the anomalies with Kerry Lake and Sam Brown. There was at least eight Senate races that were outright stolen from Republicans. There were 30 House races in Californ, California alone. And one of the debriefs I got, I went to D.C. and I met with a congressman tops, one of his top attorneys and he showed me video and picture evidence from the day after November 2024's election where they did a spot check at the Runbeck facility in Arizona, which is where they do the industrial scale printing of those, those ballots, right? And you had non English speakers loading up, up pallets stuffed to the brim and put them on Penske trucks and they were headed for California, Nevada, throughout Arizona, Colorado. And so if he knew that, Trump knew that, so you add it all together and perhaps it's like, no, we're not crazy. Perhaps our intuition and our common sense are telling us one thing. But there is this knee jerk reaction to kind of want to be black pill. Because how long do we have to put up with this nonsense? How long do we have to be on this, this roller coaster ride? But there's no way, you know, to recap, there's no way that Trump gets in, in 2024, absent some type of military like power to intervene in the cyber world. And, and I, I'll take that to the grave. I don't think anyone can convince me otherwise.
David Rutherford
The, the, the one thing that, that I come up with in my mind is that the country had gotten so hot, in particular after the assassination attempt in Butler. And you saw, I mean, they see ammo sales, they see gun sales, they see what's going on online, right? They built that entire infrastructure of what Mike Benz calls the censorship industrial complex. And they had CISA and all those groups monitoring social media and people within the social media itself that maybe they, they Thought it's so hot if, if, if we try and steal this one, there'll be a full blown revolt which there's no trials, there's no tribute. You know, there's no tribunals. It's just like, it's chaos. And then people are hung in the, in the squares back in the like back in the day. So let's let this one slide. We got enough people internally to press against. We got enough people inside his, his, whoever he has to elect. Right. I mean he's got to what, put in 2,000 people who then put in 10,000 each or whatever it is. It's you know the scale of, of, of appointees and you're bringing in is, seems virtually impossible. We've got that. So we'll just let him go through. We'll push him. We've got the judges dialed in to push back like we're seeing, I mean the case to dismiss Comey. Because. Right. That the attorney for the Attorney General of New Jersey wasn't, isn't lawfully in place. I mean it's just, there's, there's no end to what they'll do. Yeah.
Professor David Clements
So I wouldn't, let me just.
David Rutherford
Can I finish this real quick?
Professor David Clements
Yeah.
David Rutherford
It was so hot that they're just going to be like all right, forget it. Now they start the psyop of playing with the other elections. They regain some control, some House, some Senate seats. 26 is a landslide for them. It shows the public is upset with the ICE raids and his, the no kings rally, that whole thing. And then 28 because he's gone. You know, it's back down to that, that, that 51, 49 majority minority with J.D. vance. They, they load him with possibly a non likable running mate or whatever it is and, and they put in whoever they want for the next one.
Professor David Clements
Well I, I think one of the reasons why I inappropriately interrupted you is because I'm so excited because normally.
David Rutherford
I know, me too. Like it's like I just said the whole thing. I've got this going on in my.
Professor David Clements
Head because you're running with some, some major horsepower to even to spot what you just did. And so what One, one thing, I just want to agree with you that but what people need to understand is they got to get away from this idea of evil is static. It's, it's okay. Constantly there's a dynamic and you're not saying that, but there are contingency plans. Right. And so you've got your plan and you try to, you try to Execute it. Team Evil has to respond and try to, to respond, then you respond to them. And so what you're seeing is like, it's not either or. Both, Both. Both can be absolutely true that Trump has got the hardened aspects of the military. He's trying to fill strategic roles, get rid of people, and then you've got the, the remnants of the captured judiciary, capture legislature, doing all the things that you just mentioned. And I think what, what happens is many people and, and they can be, they could be right that, that they think that that's what's going to win out. It's like the ultimate limited hangout where we just get enough truth, you let, you know, some air out of the tires, and, and it's going to be more of the same. And I think there's a lot of people that truly feel that this second term is going to be that it's like they're going to wait out the clock and Trump is going to be mastered at some point and it'll be the next guy in and the pendulum's going to swing back. So, one, I just want to concede that I, I get that and I, I can't convince people not to feel that way because I see that stuff too. But I come back to this, this place where.
It really is an article of faith. And it's not to say that Trump is a 40 chess master. I think he is.
But it comes down to, to winning. Do you have a vision for winning? If, if I believe that Trump was all about the political optics of just having another term and playing the game, well, shame on me. I'd be like the Apostle Paul. Like my entire faith would be, be shattered for believing this guy called Jesus. Right. It's kind of the same thing. I don't see that with Trump. I see this as it's killer be killed. It's, it's to the victor goes the spoils. And there's enough movement in places, but you have to look in places where no one's talking about them, and that's kind of the military chessboard.
Because if Trump isn't wielding that, if he's not wielding the tools that he has as the commander in chief, we're talking about the most powerful man in the world, then one, he's a fool, and two, he will be destroyed. And that's where it gets really simple for me. If he doesn't see this through, everyone in his administration is going to jail, him included. People like myself will not be around to do this podcast in four years time. This isn't hyperbole. And so I think he knows that. And so when I see the optics and the narratives over Comey and I'm sitting there going, guys, you're getting upset over a dismissal, but what's the charge? Perjury. Do we think that the sins of James Comey can be.
Leveled with a perjury, perjury chart?
David Rutherford
Yeah, it's a, it's, it's absurd.
Professor David Clements
There's got to be a whole category of things that are in the seditious conspiracy, treason world. And unlike the cases that you can track on a PACER account, which is public record, none of the things that I'm talking about, you and I can have eyes or ears on unless we're vetted and in the military.
David Rutherford
Right.
Professor David Clements
So that's kind of the, that's the, the million dollar question. It was, is this article of faith that I have going to come to fruition or in a year, year's time, is everyone going to say, dave, I told you so? It's way worse. Trump's the antichrist. We've got the same caliber of, of bought and paid for politicians and that's all possible, but I see an election at least on the federal races because I don't think he can, can master the ballot from a statewide standpoint, but I think from a U. S. Senate race to a, a congressional district race. So you're talking about a, a two race ballot can be hand counted. I think it'd be conducted by the, the National Guard. I think that can be lawful.
And maybe you don't get to do that on other races. But what you're going to find is that we're not a 5050 country, that it's probably 20 split and people's heads are going to explode when they see what it really is. And then all of a sudden you're not dealing with a lame duck presidency where you're put out to pasture and everyone forgets about Trump. They're going to start courting J.D. vance and Marco Rubio or whoever's going to take the reins. They're going to sit there going, we've got a whole new crop of Maha Maga, like candidates that might want to repeal the 22nd Amendment. Maybe the trolling of Trump having another term isn't just trolling. Maybe there's a legal pathway to, to secure, you know, this victory. So I think our country's fortunes will, will win out or fail in, in the midterm elections. That will be the definitive sign for me and I, and I Hope I'm right because good Lord, I can't go through another four years like we did before.
David Rutherford
Well, that like I, as you're sitting here and the way you obviously, you know you're a trained evaluator, right? You're trained, you're trained to assess information and then through that assessment you're able to.
What to connect the assessments in a logical manner that gives you a semblance of.
Structure that you can build your reality around, right? And that's what you're doing and you have done for the last five years even greater from back the time when you were prosecutor and you realize the crooked nature of the cartel, influence on people in law enforcement and everything. But now there's a different thing at stake, I think, for you and for me. You know, I've got four daughters. I know you have children. You got a wife who's immeasurably invested in all of this. You know, my wife, in terms of supporting me and cause I battle the same thing is like, all right, how far do I go on the microphone? Do I have Professor David Clements on my show? Because as soon as I do then you know, it's like, oh, you let the crazy election denier guy on. You know, and it's like, and you know, like you said that Conservative Inc. Begins to push me over here, maybe are over there. You know, my, one of my closest friends in the world is Sean Ryan. And you know, just, he just had, you know, a buddy of his, Tucker Carlson on. And you know, it's like, all right, I'm going to bring this pariah now of conservative ink on because he's my friend. I want to hear what he has to say. And you know, Sean's like, nobody's going to own me. And, and so that idea of freedom for, for us as, as, as strong men that believe in something that's much deeper than just the lack of that faith in what Christ tells us to be as men and seekers of the truth. Right? Ask and ye shall find. Open the door. It will come forward to you. And you know, that's our responsibility. However, we do have these children. And so if you were speaking to young people, I'm going to ask you to speak to young people in particular.
22, 23 year old men out there right now. And, and girls, what do you say to them in the midst of all of this? What do you, how do you in invoke one, a deeper train of thought, but two, a deeper faith that, that, that, that good, that, that, that are your faith that. That will prevail?
Professor David Clements
Well, it's a, that's a deep question and I'm going to, I'm going to do a weave to get, get, get to that, because something that you said, really, it's something that I didn't realize how much I was wrestling with it until you articulated it, which is, you know, the risk of how far you push the microphone. That really resonated with me. And many of the things that I'm sharing with your audience.
Have been validated over time.
And it was at considerable risk to be the person that said things when I was literally a guy on an island in 2021. And so to the, to the OGs in the election integrity movement, I have a cache and a credibility with those people because I spoke when it mattered. But there's also been a timing with me, too. I'm probably a little bit more aggressive than most people in trying to future cash past and cast a vision for where I think things need to go, whether I'm right or wrong. And most cases, given time, things play out kind of close to what I've been articulating. But there's always a risk of in faith. I've got something that I think God's given me this download and I think it's true, and I think he wants me to share it because I need to shepherd minds to be prepared to, to see themselves in a more empowered way six months from now. And there's always a risk because if you're wrong, it's like you're the false prophet or you're, you're. You're X, Y and Z. And I've struggled with that. But my instinct is always to risk having people think that I'm crazy or potentially, you know, batshit crazy, depending on what the topic is, if I've integrated it and I, and I believe it, like, okay, so once I've got that conviction, the only times I've ever had regrets is where I've run away from my intuition and kind of sold out because I wanted to be courted by the right people. And that's made me very, very dangerous for, for kind of the top tier podcast, the Tuckers of the world. There's a reason why I haven't been on those shows. Like, I can, I can defend my positions tooth and nail, but I also get why they might not want that. You know, it gets back to something that I shared before the show with you that I won't share. Who is his name is, but my largest promotional partner for the film on the day of the launch.
Pulled the rug from me. And I would have had 5 million people at least see that film through this platform. And the reason being was because that day Rudy Giuliani was hit with 148 million dollar verdict by Ruby Freeman and Shea Moss. And they're in my film featured. And so the prudent thing is if you want to be courted and you want to get the film out, take them out of the film.
And so I'm. I actually have to evaluate these kind of, of this quid pro quo of I could have a safer film and it'll be seen by people. But it pisses me off that these treasonous traders who scanned and rescan ballots in the heart of the state Farm building, who sold my country out, that put us through hell, that I've got to avoid that because I'm afraid of litigation, I'm afraid of these corrupt lawyers. And I've been in these depositions for eight hours as defending clients where there's 18 attorneys on the other side. Eighteen. And it's just me and my nation state expert. And they're trying to destroy the man through a giant trap that, that you just kind of, you get locked into this place of like, what am, what am I? Why am I in this, this movement? Why am I in this battle? And if, if we're gonna battle, let's battle, let's pull out the battle ax, let's go after it and we'll see who's standing. And so that's the only mode that I know from a standpoint of, of how to fight in the space is I don't care if people particularly are bothered that I criticize the Scott pressers of the world who will register seven people at a gun show while in that same county 53, 000 people were deleted off of voter registration base. Like that's a conversation we should have. But I realized that's going to make me unpopular with everyone that loves Scott Pressler. Right. So that, that microphone discussion, I don't know if I've mastered it. Maybe there's a way to do it better because I see the bigger shows. I'm like, man, if we would have had those megaphones two years ago, we'd be so further ahead and what we need to do. And it kind of bothers me that I have to kind of talk about and telegraph a military solution because we the people haven't held up our end of the bargain to meet the president halfway to take over these local county commission meetings. And Tell them to withhold certification when there's fraud. Like, why is that so controversial? And so now we're back in this passive framework where we're kind of waiting for the president to save us. And I don't really like that, but I'm telling you right now, I'm going to take the playing board as I see it. So it's, you know, to. To bring the weave in. How do I communicate to kids and young men and young women in this space? I've kind of given you an insight in a way that I think, which is all that matters is the truth. And life is so fragile, it's so finite, that I don't know if my ticket's going to be punched tomorrow. I could run through an intersection and it's over. And so just find your warriors, the people that you want to yoke with. Have the humility to apologize when you screw up and say something wrong. Correct the record. I've gotten lots of things wrongs in my evolution over the past five years, but ultimately we should be seeking a target audience of one, and that's Christ. If he was in the room right now, like, what would you. What would you have me say? What would you have me do? And that's all that matters. And then everything else kind of fades to the background, as, you know, as noise. Because I really do have this thought that one day I'm going to be standing before my maker. And so every decision that I've made over five years to jeopardize my career, my job, came from this deep sense that I would rather be judged by history than my. My coward peers at the university, the coward attorneys that didn't do anything after 2020. And for those that want to play the game and run a kind of safe podcast where they've got better numbers and millions of views.
Jacob Goldstein
Cool.
Professor David Clements
That. That's you. And great. I wish I could get on your show, but I'm a punk rocker at heart, and I think it's way cooler to be with the rowdy kids.
David Rutherford
So that.
Professor David Clements
That's my. My answer to. To the ones out there. And. And maybe they like it, maybe they don't.
David Rutherford
I don't care.
That's as punk rock as it gets, and that's as Christian as it gets.
Geez, that. That's. That's the perfect place to end this.
I. I just. Thank you. Just thank you for your courage to speak your mind. Thank you for going down into these.
You know, I think one of the hardest things is to recognize that when you're in a battle against evil, just how overwhelming and, and how much fear can, you know, rip through your soul like to the point where every step is a step. You feel like you're going to be destroyed. But again, if you do believe in your real true belief believer, you know that Christ is, is our king and Christ is our salvation. And in the righteousness that he shares with his truth, you know that that is your pathway to salvation. And so I think you're a profound example of, of the things that you believe. There are many, many, many of them that I, I automatically gravitate to. And I just love so much the way you communicate. You're not, for, you're not, you know, you're not insisting I believe, you're not, you're not forcing me. You're not condemning anybody's other belief systems. You're just, you're, you're sharing your story of this remarkable evolution to truth and, and the fact that you're still in the fight and you're still willing to be in the fight with, you have so much, much at stake and so much at risk just proves that you really do believe what you believe. And, and that in and of itself is, is noble indeed. So thank you so much for coming on. Where can people follow you? How can they pay attention and, and, and how can they support you?
Professor David Clements
Well, David, thanks for having me. It's been a wonderful conversation and it's rare when I get to have a conversation with someone who's been an operator in his own right, who's, who's thought through the kind of the intelligence dynamics of the ever changing narrative landscape. And so I was kind of nerding out a little bit today. I don't always have the depth of this type of conversation, so I really appreciate that. But as far as where you can find me, I've got a website called, called the professorsrecord.com all one word, the professorsrecord.com and there's little tabs to the different social media. So find me wherever. And I do ask people to consider following me. At Substack every Sunday I put out a weekly article slash short film that kind of goes through a lot of these topics. And the one that I just dropped yesterday was on predictive program timing and non linear warfare dealing with soft power. So we get into.
Many, many movies, you know, stuff like Top Gun. Why was it that in the bomber jacket in Part two you don't have the Taiwan flag or Japan. It's geometric shapes. What's the significance of Elsa and the timing of Frozen, when that materialized, when Hillary Clinton was kind of an ice queen trying to melt the hearts of the American people. We get into all of that in this episode. So every Sunday I'm trying to give people a meditation. But many of the things that we touched on today are in previous episodes where I, I walk people through history and the things that I'm wrestling with and, and maybe there's a little bit of wish fulfillment on. I don't know if you see it as clearly as I do, Mr. President, but I sure hope you've got the best, brightest military minds behind you to help us get our country back. And so that's where my focus has been for the past six months.
David Rutherford
Amen. Thank you so much, Professor.
Professor David Clements
Thanks, Dave.
Jacob Goldstein
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Episode: David Rutherford Show: "The 2020 Election Was Rigged" — A Prosecutor Explains How It Happened | Guest: Professor David Clements
Date: December 10, 2025
Host: David Rutherford (with guest Professor David Clements)
Producer: iHeartPodcasts
This episode centers on a deep, candid discussion between host David Rutherford and Professor David Clements—former criminal prosecutor and law professor—about election integrity and the mechanics of alleged election fraud in the 2020 U.S. election. Their conversation traces how Clements became a leading voice in election skepticism, explores personal and systemic betrayals within law enforcement and government, considers the psychological and spiritual toll of whistleblowing, and digs into strategies and possible remedies for restoring election trust in America.
Border Prosecution Experience: Clements’s work as a prosecutor dealing with trafficking made him attuned to corruption and "vote trafficking" in elections.
“If you take out the drugs and just put in votes or ballots, it’s vote trafficking.” (Clements, 06:48)
Personal Run-in with Election Technology: During his own political race, he saw firsthand the vote swings attributed to late-counted mail-in ballots and the introduction of Dominion machines, sowing early doubt (06:48–08:14).
University Hostility: As a law professor in New Mexico, experiencing campus indoctrination and "woke" policies, Clements describes feeling spiritually shaken following January 6, 2021, and ultimately ousted after voicing dissenting views (08:56–14:22).
“When the fix was in on election night, you would have thought that demons in my university were just shrieking with joy.” (Clements, 09:47)
Isolation and Professional Retaliation: After speaking out, Clements became a pariah in academia and the legal profession, facing bar complaints and media attacks (16:06–16:57).
Spiritual Encounters: He recounts a “supernatural” awakening during the aftermath of January 6, emphasizing the spiritual war underlying political corruption (10:55–14:22).
“It rocked me—the closest encounter that I had to the presence of God, of a purpose and a call.” (11:46)
Paranoia and Faith: Sustained campaigns against him imposed paranoia and an 'island' feeling, but his faith and sense of duty, especially to prayer, anchored his resolve (32:15–34:16).
Parallel to Drug Task Forces: Clements drew parallels between cartel power over border prosecutions and systemic election fraud. He detailed how law enforcement sometimes perpetrated or covered up crimes (27:56–31:32).
“My district attorney that I work for is more corrupt than anyone that I’ve prosecuted.” (23:36)
Captured Institutions: The same corruptibility, he asserts, plagues the judiciary, political offices, and bureaucratic layers involved in elections (34:36–35:14).
“The biggest obstacle that I have isn’t the radical left...It’s Conservative Inc...There is still this wholesale protection of the machines.” (51:42–53:01)
Conservative Gatekeeping: Clements claims mainstream conservative voices push away substantive discussions about voting machines.
Voting Machines as Black Box: He argues the heart of election corruption lies in the opacity and digital infrastructure—citing cloud-based systems, government contracts, and relabeling/rebranding of companies like Dominion (53:01–55:40).
“Whoever controls the black box controls...the House, the Senate, the judiciary. They control the talking points.” (51:42)
Obstacles to Legal Remedy: Courts and legislatures are depicted as compromised or incapable of remedying election fraud through conventional RICO or civil action—it must be addressed as a national security issue (59:23–61:43).
“[The] President does not have to wait for Congress, he does not have to listen to a court to repel that invasion.” (56:57)
Continuity of Government and Military Tribunals: Suggests that only through invoking military authority and continuity of government can election corruption be uprooted. Conventional courts are depicted as too slow or corrupt to handle systemic fraud (63:35–67:19).
“It's going to have to be a military commission tribunal setting to do the efficient prosecution that’s necessary.” (63:35)
Speculation on Trump’s Role: Clements believes Trump has been positioning and preparing to use extraordinary powers. He references “shadow presidency” theories, continuity of government, and military involvement in 2024’s election outcomes (69:20–71:04).
“All that matters is the truth. Life is so fragile…it’s so finite…I would rather be judged by history than by my coward peers.” (98:10)
“You can't do the types of cases that I did unless you're very familiar with trafficking…It's vote trafficking.”
—David Clements (06:25)
“When the fix was in on election night, you would have thought that demons in my university were just shrieking with joy.”
—David Clements (09:47)
“I had a supernatural encounter…the closest encounter that I had to the presence of God, of a purpose and a call.”
—David Clements (11:46)
“The biggest danger are people with badges and a printing press.”
—David Clements (34:16)
“Whoever controls the black box controls the economy, the House, the Senate, the judiciary...They control the levers of subsidization, of taking your tax dollars and weaponizing your own tax dollars against you.”
—David Clements (51:42)
“Right now the biggest obstacle that I have isn’t the radical left...It’s Conservative Inc. ...there is still this wholesale protection of the machines.”
—David Clements (51:42–53:01)
“The President does not have to wait for Congress, he does not have to listen to a court to repel that invasion.”
—David Clements (56:57)
“[Legal] due process rights are not built for mass prosecution...It’s going to have to be a military commission tribunal setting to do the level of efficient prosecution that’s necessary.”
—David Clements (63:35)
“If Trump isn’t wielding [commander-in-chief] tools...then one, he’s a fool, and two, he will be destroyed.”
—David Clements (87:41)
“I would rather be judged by history than my coward peers at the university, the coward attorneys that didn't do anything after 2020.”
—David Clements (98:10)
This summary is intended to provide a thorough, accurate overview of the episode's content and spirit for those who have not listened.