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Ryan Seacrest
Welcome back to a numbers game With Ryan Gradusky. I want to thank you all for being here another week. Happy Monday. I hope you all enjoyed the last week's episodes on the Pope and demographics. They couldn't have come at a better time because we have a new Pope. It's big news for all the Catholics. Last Thursday, May 8, we elected our first American Pope. I, I, as a lifelong cradle Catholic, never in my life believed I would ever see an American Pope. Cardinal Robert Provost is from Chicago, is our new Pope. He has taken the name of Pope Leo XIV once again. Very exciting for Catholics. No matter how you kind of fill out on the how religious you are American Catholics, it must be what it must felt like for black Americans to see Obama get elected. You just never thought you would see the day an American Catholic would ever be rise to the position of the Pope. Some little facts about him to go off of last week's episode. He's considered a more moderate Pope. He is less open than Francis, but more of a centrist. He's not as, I guess liberal as Francis and some doctrine stuff. He's going to be a headache to conservatives on issues like migration because he championed kind of more open borders or, or, or more refugees. That's the way most cardinals are. It's just kind of how it is. It's very annoying, but is the truth. But he's devoutly pro life. He has been. He's kind of a mixed position on, on gays and lesbians being more open to them in the Church. He's certainly more I guess, right wing on that issue than Francis was. But I think the most important thing from the managerial aspect is considered good with finances and it could help desperately change the shifting financial situation that the Church is in, which is pretty dire. We discussed that on last week's POD cast on the Pope. If you didn't hear about it. He's also, by the way, there was a lot of online chatter that he's a registered Republican. He's from Illinois. Illinois does not register people by party. He did however, vote in several Republican primaries, so he's likely a Republican. But in my personal experience, I have met many, many priests in my life and I could count on one hand how many of them were open Democrats. Usually priests in my life I've ever met are, are Republicans. Not so much. Nuns, nuns tend, nuns especially older nuns tend to be more liberal. But the, the, the priests I've always met tend to be Republicans. I've met very few Democratic priests and so this shouldn't surprise it. But I Don't think. I think it's important not to put the role of the Pope and the, and what he has said and what he does in the context of American politics. The church is eternal. He's sitting on the throne of St Peter as the victor of Christ, and he's going to do his best to protect the church and the integrity of the church. And I think that as a Catholic, we should all pray for him to do the best job that he possibly can. So that's my little spiel about the Pope. And by the end, also, Sunday is Mother's Day. Happy Mother's Day to my mom, who doesn't listen to this podcast, but my other aunts and grandmother do. So happy Mother's Day to you, I hope for all the moms and grandmothers and godmothers who listen to podcasts. It was all very special for you that someone made you feel special on Mother's Day. I want to spend some time talking about foreign policy because especially specifically an American first foreign policy, because the media, in this media environment, we've heard, you know, the media just, it's like ping pong. It goes back and forth constantly, knee jerk reaction to knee jerk reaction to get people's heads spinning about whatever topic is of the moment to either bash Trump or Elon or, you know, the Maryland man going to El Salvador. Things that don't hit people's lives as effectively as it does create narratives. And it's very easy to crap on liberal media because, I mean, they have no shame. You can't, you cannot shame a liberal person media. I don't know if you, by the way, if anyone saw this, but last week or like late last week, Rachel Maddow was on Stephen Colbert and these two Looney Tunes are sitting there with complete straight faces, almost frowning and saying, I think this is like Republicans are doing what they're doing because they don't have to worry about an election. They think they want to end democracy. They won't worry about elections in the future. It is nonsensical fear porn. It is direct dopamine hits for people who are chanting that the end is near and that Trump's a dictator and we're in fascism. And, you know, it's like seeing the guy on the side of the road who says, like, the end is coming and he's screaming repent now. I always think like, those people, like, what if God comes back? And, you know, he says, I sent you a guy with the sign saying and is near. You should know it's near. But anyway, that's. No, it doesn't matter. ADHD is extremely strong today, guys. Anyway, that was Madam Copier, totally batshit crazy statements that were utterly untrue. Feeding nonsense to people's whose brains have become like worms. Like it is crazy. And I just wish that like the next guest who was on the show would have like looked at them and said, I will bet you $10,000 that we will hold an election in 18 months that all of your fear that you have been peddling to the American public is not true. It's not going to be true. And in fact I will spend the $10,000 if I lose. But you have to apologize to the audience for misdirecting them if you lose. That's what I would love. It's probably not going to happen. But these people, I mean, their brains have really rotted. The ones who are saying the elections are over. It's just, it's crazy. I even saw the comedian Kathy Griffin on her podcast saying that like, you know, we should free Luigi. I mean, these people's brains are broken and you can't fix them. You just can't. You have to just keep it moving and, you know, hope that the government in, in charge makes the right moves. And you can't obsess with people in the media, but that's what everyone else does. So anyway, sorry, back to foreign policy, which is what I was originally intending to talk about. Not many people are talking about this schism happening between the Trump administration and conservative media. And it's over Iran, over the nation of Iran. And whether or not Iran is. And their uranium enrichment program intended to build nuclear bombs is capable or will be capable soon. And there's negotiations happening and the state of those negotiations. This has been the concern of obviously presence dating back decades. The benefit of being middle aged now is that I can remember a quarter of a century ago when George W. Bush saying an Iraq attack against Iran was on the table. This is right after the Iraq war, because they were, they were close to getting a nuclear bomb. This is back in 2006, this is almost 20 years ago, that he said they're very close to getting a nuclear bomb. And one of his memoirs, he actually said there were plans drawn up to attack Iran and they were backed out last minute. And under the Obama administration, obviously we had the Iran deal to temporarily limit uranium enrichment in favor of increasing their oil sales. And it had some minimal success in some capabilities, but it continued to fund their terrorist organizations throughout the world. Wasn't really going to change Anything. And it really emboldened the current power regime of Iran, which is a horrific, tyrannical regime. That is what real tyranny looks like to like the Rachel Maddows of the world and to the Kathy Griffin of the world, it doesn't look like Donald Trump. It looks like Iran. Currently the women of Iran who have protested their government are 100 times the feminist that any of these phony pink hat wearing liberal loonies attacking Trump are. Anyway, back to Iran. Sorry. There is a substantial portion of the Republican Party, especially in the media, that are actively rooting for a military conflict with Iran. Trump picked his longtime friend and fellow real estate developer Steve Wyckoff to be the special envoy to the Middle east. And he's actively working on avoiding a war with Iran, trying to ink a deal to stop them from becoming a nuclear power. And this has infuriated neoconservatives. The New York Post, President Trump's favorite paper, which regularly publishes neoconservatives, although they have published me a few times, so I appreciate it. But they do publish a lot of neoconservatives. They said that Wyckoff was the, the wrong person to try to get this deal and this agreement because he's too, he's not willing to, you know, put a war basically on the, on the table. The day prior from them publishing that, which was April 30th on my birthday, Douglas Murray, a buddy of mine who I, I know pretty well, he also said that he was the wrong man for the job. And Douglas is, you know, a fairly, fairly vocal neoconservative. Woff has had some early successes in his job, including the release of 33 hostages from Hamas, including two Americans. And he struck a deal with the Iranian back. Houthi is in Yemen to stop attacking our ships. So things are happening. Secretary Rubio is very happy with the work that he's been doing. So is President Trump. And considering the aspect of that. I'm 38 years old. I have seen this same movie for 25 years almost or 20 years almost, where the chatter from the pro war crowd is that Iran is going to develop this nuclear weapon any day now. It's kind of like how liberals say, like Trump, the walls are closing and it's any day now, any day now, any day now. I kind of feel like any rush towards conflic is very dumb and very short sighted and a war weary America is not up for it any which way that we could avoid any kind of military conflict while de escalating the situation is well Worth it. But I'm not an expert on Iran. I've never been there. Obviously for most Americans, never been there. But my next guest is and he can tell us more about the situation, a possible conflict, and how the Iranian people feel. Up next.
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Ryan Seacrest
With me today is Shaheem Gobadi. He is from the National Council of Resistance of Iran. Thank you for being here, Shaheem.
Unknown
Thank you for having me.
Ryan Seacrest
Now, on Thursday it was discovered that Iran has another nuclear site that was previously undisclosed. What can you tell my audience about the state of Iran's nuclear program as it stands today?
Unknown
Actually, this new revelation was made by the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which is the coalition of Iranian democratic opposition movements like the Parliament in exile of the Resistance. We have had more than 110 revelations about various aspects of the Iran nuclear weapons program going back three decades, particularly in the last two decades. All I can tell you is that the Iranian regime is on the cusp of getting nuclear weapons. What do I mean by this? While the world has focused on how much enriched uranium the regime has, which is enough for at least six nuclear bombs, for a nuclear bomb, you need other weaponization and also delivery system, basically warheads to be carried by ballistic missiles. And the point of the matter is that the regime has worked on the other two aspects very much diligently and concurrently with the enrichment. So they have the enriched uranium, they are working on weaponization, they're working on delivery system. Actually today we will reveal another site which has been unknown before, working in tandem with this ballistic missile program for nuclear warheads. So the regime has been working very hard to this and particularly in the last year and a half or two, that it has been much weaker at home and has been much weaker in the region. They have relied more on acquired nuclear weapons as the guarantor for their survival.
Ryan Seacrest
Now. So I am 38 years old and for the last, since I was about 14, about a quarter of a century, I have heard that Iran is within days of getting a nuclear weapon since the Iraq war. Essentially the drumbeat for a war with Iran has been very real. It's been championed by a number of American politicians going back to the Bush administration, and it's never come to fruition. So how much can we rely on the evidence that Iran is very close to a nuclear weapon this time.
Unknown
Well, you have to bear in mind that we are the movement that, as I said, exposed the Iranian secret nuclear facilities. Both enrichment in Natanz back in 2002, plutonium site again in 2002. Many, many research sites, many, many scientists. And this is all based on people on the ground, what they call human intelligence. And according to Los Alamos research, more than 95% of the NCRI revelations have been corroborated one way or the other. The fact of the matter is we never ever advocated for war in Iran. We do not believe the solution is a military solution. Rather, from the day one, all they have asked for is a solid policy. You know what the problem has been in the last 24 years that you referred to? Actually, the time you are referring to is exactly August 14, 2002, that my very colleague who did the press conference today held a press conference in middle of summer in Washington. And at that time nobody wanted to believe Iran has a nuclear program. Then when the IAEA went there, they saw it. Then they start believing it. All we always ask for is a robust policy. What was a robust policy? Robust policy is holding regime accountable for its nefarious conduct to impose tough sanctions on the regime, to prevent it from the means to advocate and advance its nuclear weapons program and to recognize the right of the Iranian people and the resistance to bringing about a regime change by themselves. But what happened in reality, administration after administration, and I don't only think about inside the United States, I'm talking about the other side of Atlantic too. People thought that by giving concessions to the regime to get involved in endless negotiations, they can somehow miraculously talk this regime out of driving for nuclear weapons. And where we are today. Actually, if there were robust policy two decades ago, the situation would not have got to where we are today. But unfortunately, as I said, appeasement after appeasement got us where we are today. While the threat is very real, we never advocated and we were never a proponent of a military confrontation with Iran because we don't think that's the solution.
Ryan Seacrest
I'm not saying you have been necessarily, but there are people in America certainly that have, and they are the ones who have been saying for all these decades that Iran's nuclear program is within and is very capable and it's going to happen any day now. And obviously Iran is a big supporter of terrorism around the entire globe. One thing I would like to know is you mentioned about, you know, sanctions, which we already have sanctions on Iran. What, what good does it do if the United States is sanctions on Iran but like China doesn't or Russia doesn't?
Unknown
Well, you have to remember when we are talking about sanctions, we are talking about also secondary sanctions of whoever buys the oil and gas and we are talking about sanctioning where it basically stifles the regime's source of revenue. Because the fact of the matter is all the money that this regime gets, every single dime that it gets, is used for repressing Iranian people, is used to advance his nuclear program, is used to advance his missile program, is used to stipend its proxies all over the world and the region actually. And it's been will be plundered by the regime's top brass. None of this gets to the Iranian people. So basically what happens is the regime sells the Iranian people's wealth, their oil, their gas and other resources to finance its nefarious conduct, which the first and the primary victims are the Iranian people themselves. While the world is concerned about the nuclear weapons, they're concerned about, you know, regime's terrorism. But for me as an Iranian, it's also very important what the regime does to its own citizens. That's first and foremost. You know, in the last two, in the last four decades which ncri, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, has been battling to bring about a regime change and I have to emphasize, by the Iranians, for the Iranians, more than 120,000 good Iranians as young as 13 years old and as old as 72 men and women have been executed by this regime solely for striving for democracy and human rights. So for us, the issue is not solely international or foreign. That's about the dignity of our people, our country and democracy in our country and freedom, which Iranians deserve very much like any other nation on the face of the earth.
Ryan Seacrest
I want to go into the Iranian people in a second, but I want to go back to the policy of Iran for just a moment. Should Iran have any sort of uranium program? Because they're talking about that should have a certain level. The Trump administration has been negotiating. Can they enrich at all? But should they be allowed, in your opinion, of any sort of Iranian program?
Unknown
The Iranian nuclear program has to be shut down. Actually, the NCRI, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, has a 10 point plan for the future of Iran which has been articulated by Madame Mariam Rajivi, the president elect of the Iranian Resistance. Madame Mariam Rajavi is the person that the resistance has elected to be the president for transitional period when the Mullahs are ousted and Iran is democratic. And one item of that plan, in addition to separation of religion and government and gender equality and freedom and rights of all the ethnic and national minorities, is a non nuclear. So we believe Iran does not need nuclear program. It does not make any sense at all. It's not economically savvy. It's actually very cost prohibitive for a country like Iran. You know, investing so much on Iranian nuclear program is like an Eskimo investing on a fridge or refrigerator. You're talking about a country which is sitting on the second biggest oil, I mean, gas reserves in the world, the fourth biggest oil reserve in the world. A country which has 1% of the population in the world, but has somewhere from 7 to 8% of the world minerals, even, according to the regime's own estimates. I read a report, internal report, by the regime's Parliament back in 2005, and I have the document. They said creating power plants based on nuclear energy in Iran. It does not make any sense. They said with that kind of a price, in a normal situation, we can build 10 fossil fuel plants in Iran because the energy is so cheap. So all can one wonder why this regime is so insistent on nuclear program? It's all obvious, for weapons. It has no civilian purpose. And the only party that is so intransigent about this whole thing is the regime.
Ryan Seacrest
What do you make of Steve Wyckoff, President Trump's special envoy to the Middle east, and what his work has been with Iran?
Unknown
Well, obviously, I know they are trying to reach a good deal, but I think that it starts from the point that they have to realize that there's nothing civilian, there's nothing benevolent in this whole program. From the onset, it has been for military purposes. There are so much facts to prove this. If it was civilian and for good purposes, why the regime is so secretive about this? You know, none of its sites, none of its sites has ever been informed to the IAEA by the regime itself. All of the sites have been told to the IAEA after we have told on them by our network inside the country. So. Or why do they allow the IAEA to interview their scientists? Why they don't, you know, allow snapback inspections? I mean, snap inspections. So there's obviously more than one skeleton in the closet.
Ryan Seacrest
What do you make of Israel's, what they've been doing with Iran, which feels like every couple months you hear about Israel having either a cyber attack or killing a scientist or something or other to just kind of slow down or stop Iran's nuclear program.
Unknown
I think the Iranian problem has an Iranian solution. You know, what has been missing in all of the paradigm when it comes to Iran in all these years, in the 24 plus years that you mentioned, you have been following the Iranian situation in the last quarter century, the biggest missing element is the role of the Iranian people and the resistance. That's the factor that would change the whole calculus.
Ryan Seacrest
Well, let's talk about the Iranian people then, because, I mean, I have followed a number of resistance movements by the Iranian people. There was the Green Revolution most recently. There was a very, very brave effort on the part of Iranian women to expose their hair and cut their hair. It was deeply, deeply moving what they were doing, but it will. 1. What is the feeling of the leadership by the people of Iran?
Unknown
They hate the regime in its entirety. How can you gauge that? Since December 2007. 17. Sorry, which is, you know, seven and a half years, there has been four major nationwide uprisings in Iran, all of them calling for the regime's overthrow. And each time the uprising gets bigger, more pervasive, more inclusive. People from all walks of life, all age groups. The last one you just mentioned, that started in September 22 and went on for months and months, included all 31 provinces of Iran, somewhere like 300 cities and towns throughout the country. Now, these are very revealing numbers. So there's a nationwide sentiment. According to the regime's own public figures, 96% of the people of Iran hate this regime. That's amazing. 96% of people want a regime change. So that's the sentiment.
Ryan Seacrest
Yeah. So as someone who reads a lot about demographics and studies a lot of how populations are acting both economically and socially, Iran's people, not the leadership, but the people, you know, they have relatively few children, they try to buy homes they like. They enjoy Western media as much as they can get it. I would love to see a future of a Western, a pro Western Iran. I think that we. I think that it's possible based on the population, unlike, let's say the population of. I'm just using an example, Afghanistan, who are not pro Western in, in essence, and they don't have the ability to be pro Western and govern themselves. I think Iran does. How do we get there? You've mentioned sanctions. You mentioned having a correct response. But if, I mean, does, does a, does a revolution involve a military uprising of some sort? I, I just wanted. How. What is, what is the domino that has not fallen? Given that these protests have gone up, have increased, that the governments of the west have put heavy emphasis, what is the domino that has not fallen, that needs to fall to get there.
Unknown
I think the ultimate solution would be another uprising by the Iranian people. As I said, if you look at the trajectory, it's getting bigger and bigger and bigger, and their slogans are becoming more demanding. What I'm saying is that people have kissed goodbye to the regime, have been calling for the overthrow of the Supreme Leader, which everything is hit with, which hinges upon. Also what's very telling is that particularly the last uprising, people also rejected any notion of going back to the time of monarchy, the last Shah. They have been chanting down with oppressor being the Shah or the Supreme Leader, which meant that they are fully cognizant of the fact that they reject dictatorship in any shape and form. So the solution would be basically what I would say, revolution by the people. And also, you have to remember there's an organized resistance on the ground in the form of resistance units which are affiliated to the People's Mujahideen Organization of Iran. These are the biggest resistance movement inside the country, which are part of the ncri. So you have it.
Ryan Seacrest
I thought the Shah was fairly popular, though, or the. Or the family of the Shah was popular.
Unknown
Well, the fact of the matter is, you have to remember the Shah was booted out of Iran by popular uprising for very obvious reasons. It was very repressive. He was very corrupt.
Ryan Seacrest
Well, I guess less oppressive than the current one. So it's everything's, I guess, in perspective. And I'm not advocating for the Shah. I'm just. I'm just sorry. ADHD is very real today. So, but, but that's.
Unknown
But when it comes for is basically what will happen is that there will be an uprising by the people that will tip the balance. Now, the question is what kind of a policy we advocate from the West. The west should not sit on the fence, as they say, while we do not advocate boots on the ground, we are not seeking weapons from any country. We are not asking money from any country. But we think the west should have a much active policy on Iran on these components. First of all, as I said, you have to have much tougher sanctions on the regime to prevent it, to have the money to continue financing its apparatus of repression and belligerence. Number two, the UN Security Council resolutions that are suspended because of the nuclear deal have to be reactivated because the regime has violated that resolution time and again. And third, I think it's very important politically that the west and here in a specific United States should recognize the right of the Iranian people and the Iranian youth to bring about a regime change and establish a democratic government. That's very important.
Ryan Seacrest
So we should recognize. And I'm just clarifying. I'm not battling you, I'm clarifying. So you would like the Trump administration or the President of the United States, whomever it will be at any given time, to recognize a leader, not being the current one, but whom is recognized by, I guess, a movement of people of Iran, even if the current leadership is there.
Unknown
True. But also more important is the concept that, look, we realize that Iranians have the right to bring about regime change by themselves. I think that sends shockwaves to the mullahs. It also sends a very positive message to the Iranians that the world is on their side. That instead of thinking pase, the world realizes the Iranian people are right, the resistance is right, and the mullahs are doomed to be overthrown by the Iranian people. Now, how and when would that happen? Obviously, nobody has a crystal ball to give you an exact date that this will happen. But if you look at the trajectory, the last two or three years has been awfully bad for the mullahs. First of all, the uprising that you just mentioned, especially because the young generation has been very active, including men and women, that's important. Also, from the regional perspective, the regime has received a lot of devastating blows. Hezbollah has been basically decimated. Houthis, obviously, which are armed by the regime and financed and propped up, are very much in trouble. And most importantly, the Bashar Assad regime in Syria, which was like the Fulcrum or the linchpin of the regime's regional strategy, was gone in 11 days. So if I may say in one word, all the chickens are coming home for the Supreme Leader to roost at the same time.
Ryan Seacrest
Well, okay, my last question for you, and this is a complicated one, so you've said that we shouldn't get involved militarily, and that's something I very much agree with, is we shouldn't be involved militarily. And I disagree heavily with people who are advocating for that. But if Iran is, let's say, days away or weeks away or months away even from a nuclear weapon, what do you do then? How do you counter that? Is it just sanctions and hoping it all goes away, or is it a technological strike or is it something else? I don't know what the Western governments would do if Iran is as nuclear capable as people are saying that they are.
Unknown
Well, honestly, I did not say that Iran is days away, because the people who say Iran is days away only think about enrichment but as I said, there's also weaponization, there's also delivery system, ballistic missile. The world doesn't have much time, I should say. But as I said, the policy that we propose and we advocate, and as I said, Maryam Rajevi testified before the US Congress online just in January of this year. And she said, look, just change the whole policy. What does that mean? As you said, much tougher sanctions put Iran under Chapter 7 of the UN Security Council mandate, which means that the regime is a global threat. And also change the attitude toward the resistance and the Iranian people. If you think that if the people of Iran are given political encouragement to know that in fact the world is on their side, the world would not, you know, sit idle and I'm talking about political and morally that will make a big difference. Time is not in the favor of the mullahs. As I said, if you look at the trajectory, there has been four uprisings in seven years alone. So another one is inevitable. And you don't have to trust me. If you read the regime's own press, if you listen to the regime's analysts, even a lot of the regime's own officials are warning the way things are going, another uprising is inevitable. 70% of the population live below the poverty line. This is a huge number of people. The lower class is getting smaller. I mean, middle class is getting smaller and smaller and the regime is getting more and more isolated. And also what's important is that you have a viable alternative against the regime. So that's important to realize that the resistance has done its work over the years. A network inside the country, a political platform, a clear plan for future, an identifiable leader, which as I said, is very much known to the US Congress, to the US Senate. More than 4,000 members of parliament have endorsed this plan. Basically, Iranian people have done a lot to be where they are today. But I think the world would be much better off to be on their side, to only think about attack or not attack. The narrative that you either bomb them or you kiss their hands and placate them. I think the narrative that the mullahs propagated over the years, that's a great.
Ryan Seacrest
That'S a great way to. That's a great way to leave it off. And I think that's really important in context, especially to an American audience who only hears that the solution is either go with the supreme leader or full on war, something the American people are overwhelmingly against. Shaheen Gobadi. Where can people research and learn more about the National Council of Resistance of Iran?
Unknown
Well, there's a good website called NCR, National Council of Resistance. So NCR iran.org ncr-iran.org that's our website. They can also go to the website of Madam Maryam Rajavi Mariam M A R Y A M Rajavi R A J A V I and they can get a lot of first hand information, unfiltered, which our people get from Iran on a daily basis. You know, that's also a part of our endeavor to make people aware that Iran is not synonymous with the mullahs that rule them. And it's very important to get the word out that there's a third option, an option that identifies with the Iranian people and their aspiration and their organized resistance. And trust me, the moment that is done, the mullahs will be unnoticed.
Ryan Seacrest
I hope that that happens one day. I hope we have a democratic and pro western Iran. I really do. Thank you for being on this podcast. I genuinely appreciate it.
Unknown
Me too. And have a good one. And I wish you and your viewers have the best of days ahead.
Ryan Seacrest
Hey, we'll be right back after this.
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And now for the Ask Me Anything segment. If you want to be part of the Ask Me Anything segment, email me ryanumbersgamepodcast.com that's ryanumbersgamepodcast.com you can even tweet me if you want about the podcast and ask me a question that I will answer on air about any issue you could possibly think of that I know anything about, which is not sports. So any sports questions? Although apparently the new Pope is a White Sox fan or Cubs fan or something like that. Doesn't sound. Well, I don't know. I don't know anything about the Cubs or the White Sox. But best of luck to both those teams and the new Pope. All right, question comes my friend Kylie who says, do you think the PR people inside the Trump administration were actively trying to sabotage him. This is a very good question. It is one that comes up a lot, and it is very difficult to answer. I will say that in the first Trump administration, I tweeted a list of people who were actively working to us. Let me go back. I had. I had a lot of sources as I was working as a reporter for part of the time inside the first administration, very high up inside the Trump administration in the Oval Office, who were telling me, these are lists of people working to sit there and stop Trump. Many now are prominent Never Trumpers. One was the anonymous guy. I was tweeting about him long before it was happening, many with the leakers that were coming out. And in that case of the first administration, when it was so glaringly obvious there were people working to stop Trump, the difference was what? And I'm not. I'm not spending a lot of time talking about him because he's no longer in politics. Doesn't really matter. But Jared Kushner really protected a lot of those people. A lot of those people. And he wasn't the only one. There were a lot of people being protected. Kellyanne Conway protected a lot of those people from being fired or advocated for them. There was a scene where it was the former head of the personnel officer was hiring tons of Never Trumpers, the first personnel office, whose name I can't remember, and it was pointed out to Trump with him in the room, that he was a leaker. And basically the whole Oval Office defended this guy. And he was leaking. He went to, like, the next room and leaked immediately against Ginny Thomas, who was Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas's wife, who made the point that he was one leaking or. She was one of the people. She wasn't a single person. There was another person in the room who made the point, but she was one of the people making the point that he was leaking anyway. It was very obvious. And there was an entire ecosystem within the White House of the first term to protect the Never Trumpers, the leakers, the people trying to create their own agenda. This administration is new. I don't see that same framework in the same way that the first term existed. Certainly not. It's certainly a much more cohesive White House. Here's a problem with saying somebody's against the Trump agenda or trying to sabotage him. Trump's changes his minds a lot. Changes his mind quite often. Right. He's gets beer. Kids can be very impulsive, and there are times when he takes two sides of the same issue. So who is the one sabotaging him. Ultimately, the issue lies when when the president something that you don't like or what the administration that you don't like or like. The problem lies in the president. Nine times out of 10, if he is allowing those will to to be around him, it is a problem of the president. Now this administration runs a lot smoother. I think Susie Wallace has done a very good job of facilitating a cohesive White House. But as far as creating someone working against the President, I wouldn't say that. I would say there are weaker links in the administration. I think that the Commerce Secretary Lutnick is an immensely weak link. He has done no service to the President whatsoever. I think he's been very problematic in his role. Everyone, by the way, hates when I say problematic. I still do it. But he's been an issue in his role. I think that Kristi Noem has had many issues in her role, so but we'll see how long she stays around for. But are they sabotaging the President? No. Are they weaker links? Yes. Do they sometimes push their own agenda to the President, hoping he changes his mind? I believe so. So that's my very long and short answer of it. It's not as bad as the first White House. But are there people who push their own agenda and hope the President believes them? Yes. Does he do it sometimes? Yes. So that's the long and short of it. Anyway, thank you all. Please email me some stuff. I love getting these kinds of questions. It's a really good way to interact with the audience. And if you like this podcast, please like and subscribe on the iHeartRadio app Apple Podcast. Wherever you get your podcast, give me a five star review if you're being generous and I will see you guys on Thursday.
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Podcast Summary: The Clay Travis and Buck Sexton Show
Episode: It's a Numbers Game: The Numbers Behind Iran's Nuclear Threat
Release Date: May 12, 2025
The episode opens with host Ryan Gradusky reflecting on the significant election of the first American Pope, Cardinal Robert Provost of Chicago, who has taken the name Pope Leo XIV. Gradusky shares his surprise and excitement, noting, “As a lifelong cradle Catholic, never in my life believed I would ever see an American Pope” (04:15). He underscores the historic nature of this event for American Catholics and parallels it to the unexpected election of Barack Obama as a powerful symbol for marginalized communities.
Additionally, Gradusky takes a moment to wish listeners a Happy Mother's Day, acknowledging the importance of honoring mothers and grandmothers, particularly those who engage with the podcast.
Gradusky transitions into discussing the complexities of American foreign policy, especially an "America First" stance, amidst a highly polarized media environment. He criticizes the media’s incessant back-and-forth, describing it as “dopamine hits for people who are chanting that the end is near” (10:30). He expresses frustration with what he terms "fear porn," referencing Rachel Maddow's remarks on Stephen Colbert about Republicans allegedly wanting to “end democracy” (11:00), and likens it to a doomsday prophet screaming “repent now.”
Gradusky advocates for a more measured approach, emphasizing the need to focus on effective foreign policy rather than getting entangled in media-driven narratives. He highlights the importance of avoiding military conflict, particularly with Iran, and underscores the need for de-escalation.
Guest Introduction: Shaheem Gobadi from the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)
Gradusky welcomes Shaheem Gobadi, representing the NCRI, to shed light on Iran's nuclear program and the geopolitical tensions surrounding it.
Gobadi addresses recent revelations about a new, previously undisclosed Iranian nuclear site, emphasizing that the Iranian regime is "on the cusp of getting nuclear weapons." He explains that while Iran has sufficient enriched uranium for “at least six nuclear bombs,” the additional steps of weaponization and developing delivery systems are equally critical (16:18). He stresses that Iran has been diligently working on these aspects, posing a significant threat.
Reflecting on decades of U.S. policy, Gobadi recounts the Bush administration's contemplation of military action against Iran in 2006 when Iran was nearing nuclear capability. He criticizes the Obama administration’s Iran nuclear deal, stating it only "temporarily limits uranium enrichment" while inadvertently funding Iran's terrorist activities and bolstering its tyrannical regime (17:49). Gobadi argues that past policies of appeasement have led to the current precarious situation.
Discussing sanctions, Gobadi differentiates between primary and secondary sanctions. He asserts that while countries like China and Russia may not impose primary sanctions, secondary sanctions aim to limit Iran’s revenue streams by targeting international buyers of Iranian oil and gas. “All the money that this regime gets is used for repressing the Iranian people, advancing its nuclear program, and supporting proxies worldwide” (21:19). He emphasizes that sanctions should focus on crippling the regime’s financial capabilities to prevent further aggression.
A significant portion of the conversation centers on the Iranian populace's desire for regime change. Gobadi highlights that “96% of the people of Iran hate this regime,” citing multiple nationwide uprisings over the past seven and a half years (27:02). He points out that these movements are inclusive, spanning all provinces and involving diverse demographics. Gobadi underscores that true change must come from within, driven by the Iranian people's collective will for democracy and human rights.
Gobadi outlines a 10-point plan advocated by the NCRI for transitioning Iran to a democratic state. Key recommendations include:
He argues that recognizing the Iranian people's right to self-determination sends a powerful message to both the regime and the populace, fostering hope and unity for future uprisings.
Gradusky probes about the possibility of Iran obtaining nuclear weapons imminently and seeks Gobadi’s perspective on contingency plans. Gobadi maintains that while the threat is real, military solutions are not advocated by the NCRI. Instead, he emphasizes the importance of a robust and morally sound policy that leverages sanctions and international support to empower the Iranian resistance.
He concludes with an optimistic outlook, asserting, “Time is not in the favor of the mullahs,” and predicts that continued pressure and internal resistance will eventually lead to the regime's downfall (37:28).
The episode wraps up with Gradusky expressing hope for a democratic and pro-Western Iran, reinforcing the need for the international community to support the Iranian people's struggle for freedom and democracy. He encourages listeners to explore more about the NCRI and its efforts through their official website, ncr-iran.org.
Ryan Gradusky (04:15):
“As a lifelong cradle Catholic, never in my life believed I would ever see an American Pope.”
Ryan Gradusky (10:30):
“It is direct dopamine hits for people who are chanting that the end is near and that Trump's a dictator and we're in fascism.”
Shaheem Gobadi (16:18):
“The Iranian regime is on the cusp of getting nuclear weapons.”
Shaheem Gobadi (21:19):
“All the money that this regime gets is used for repressing the Iranian people, advancing its nuclear program, and supporting proxies worldwide.”
Shaheem Gobadi (27:02):
“96% of the people of Iran hate this regime.”
Shaheem Gobadi (37:28):
“Time is not in the favor of the mullahs.”
For listeners interested in learning more about the National Council of Resistance of Iran and their initiatives, visit their official website at ncr-iran.org. The NCRI provides detailed information on their resistance movements, policy recommendations, and ongoing efforts to promote democracy and human rights in Iran.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this summary reflect those of the podcast hosts and guests and do not necessarily represent the official stance of any organization.