The Truth with Lisa Boothe: Red Wave Rising: How Trump’s Legacy is Reshaping the Midterms

Summary

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Podcast Summary: The Truth with Lisa Boothe

Episode Title: Red Wave Rising: How Trump’s Legacy is Reshaping the Midterms
Podcast: The Clay Travis and Buck Sexton Show (iHeartPodcasts)
Date: August 26, 2025
Host: Lisa Boothe
Guest: Jessica Anderson, President, Sentinel Action Fund

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Overview

This episode explores the rapidly changing U.S. political landscape in the aftermath of the 2024 elections, focusing on Donald Trump’s lasting influence on the Republican Party and what it means for the upcoming 2026 midterms. Lisa Boothe and Jessica Anderson break down major voter shifts, the role of Trump’s populist coalition, effective GOP organizing strategies, redistricting battles, and the stakes in key races. The conversation combines data analysis, campaign strategy insights, and pointed commentary on party dynamics—all aimed at understanding if a long-promised "red wave" is materializing.

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Key Discussion Points & Insights

1. Trump’s Legacy and GOP’s Ground Game

Timestamps: [01:45]–[05:21]

• Electoral Success Reflected:
  Lisa Boothe acknowledges Trump's victory and the GOP gaining control in Washington, crediting effective early voting and mail-in ballot strategies led by groups like the Sentinel Action Fund.
• Myth-Busting Early Voting:
  Jessica Anderson recalls pushing back against the narrative that GOP early voting was "cannibalizing" Election Day votes. “We’ve proven that absentee ballot, early vote can work and we’ve proven that low propensity first time Trump voters are the special sauce of the Republican Party right now.” [03:42]
• Organizational Shift:
  Anderson details how the GOP narrowed Democratic advantages by:
  • Registering new voters, especially "low-propensity, first-time Trump voters,"
  • Building a durable infrastructure to sustain year-round engagement,
  • Matching (and potentially exceeding) Democratic ground game efforts, especially unions.

“Because of the Trump effect, you have groups like Sentinel Action Fund that are able to go in there and do that same long-term work.” — Jessica Anderson [05:21]

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2. The Massive Voter Registration Shift

Timestamps: [04:17]–[08:04]

• NYT Report on Party Shifts:
  Discussion centers on a New York Times report documenting a net swing of 4.5 million voters toward the GOP since 2020 across more than 30 states.
• Why the Shift?
  • Democrats are losing ground due to policy discontent, particularly "post-Covid movement" from blue to red states (e.g., California to Texas).
  • Anderson: “You have major chunks of Democrats say we’re fed up with the policies of Gavin Newsom, we’re going to move to a red state... and then re-register there either as an independent or as a Republican.” [05:21]
  • Simultaneously, Republicans invested in robust voter registration and sustained outreach.

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3. Trump’s Coalition: GOP or Trump Voters?

Timestamps: [08:04]–[12:25]

• Longevity of Trump’s Base:
  Boothe asks whether the new GOP coalition will last beyond Trump’s presidency.
• Two-Part Republican Strategy:
  Anderson’s guidance:
  • Tell Success Stories: Emphasize tangible impacts of Trump’s policy “wins” (especially immigration and economy).
  • Frame Opponents: Portray Democrats as “radical and anti-Trump,” citing examples like socialist candidates and perceived out-of-touch stances.

“Trump has a unique magnetism… but while his personality is not on the midterm ballots, the successes of his policies are.” — Jessica Anderson [08:37]

• Effective Messaging:
  Congressional and Senate GOP candidates should “treat it like a year-round campaign” by personalizing and delivering clear, economic benefits to voters.

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4. The “Big Beautiful Bill” and GOP Messaging Challenges

Timestamps: [16:09]–[17:29]

• Contentious Legislative Win:
  Boothe notes, “Largely the polling has been negative about the bill overall,” despite popular elements like “no tax on tips.” [16:09]
• Anderson’s Advice:
  To overcome skepticism, focus on real-life impact—highlight dollar amounts saved via tax cuts and deregulation, making the bill’s effects concrete for average Americans.

“The proof is in the detail and to get past kind of the broad strokes of the bill and talk about the specifics, that’s where the success is going to come.” — Jessica Anderson [16:36]

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5. Bellwether Gubernatorial Races – New Jersey & Virginia

Timestamps: [17:29]–[19:52]

• Can Governor’s Races Predict the Midterms?
  Boothe and Anderson debate whether upcoming races signal broader trends:
  • Anderson is skeptical, noting governors aren’t direct partners in executing federal Trump policies.
  • Still, these elections will test whether new GOP turnout methods work without Trump himself on the ballot.

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6. The Redistricting “Arms Race”

Timestamps: [19:52]–[25:20]

• Battle Over District Lines:
  Redistricting in Texas, California, Florida, and Ohio could shift dozens of Congressional seats.
• Democratic "Abuse" of the System:
  Anderson criticizes Democratic use of gerrymandering, citing Illinois, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina.
• Census and Redistricting:
  The link between census counts, border policy, and district lines is highlighted, with Anderson referencing recent Democratic admissions about the value of migrant populations for growing districts.

“Democrats can’t win elections, honestly. So they’re manipulating the system. Hence why they fight so hard against the census just counting legal migrants and why they’re so opposed to a strong border.” — Jessica Anderson [21:09]

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7. Fundraising, Polls, and Prognoses for the Midterms

Timestamps: [25:20]–[28:02]

• Contradictory Data:
  The hosts point out:
  • Democratic approval ratings are at historic lows.
  • GOP outpaces Democrats in fundraising.
  • Yet, generic ballot polls still have Democrats slightly ahead.
• Anderson’s Synthesis:
  While history says the out-party rebounds in the midterms, current trends—fundraising, voter registration, policy advantage—favor the GOP if organizational momentum is maintained.

“These headwinds actually flip the narrative that the 2026 midterms are going to be a rebuke of the Trump administration. I think it’s going to be an embrace...” — Jessica Anderson [25:20]

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8. House Math & Recruitment

Timestamps: [31:50]–[34:36]

• House Map Favors the GOP:
  Boothe and Anderson discuss the disproportionate number of Democratic-held districts that Trump won versus Republican-held seats carried by Harris.
  • Anderson identifies vulnerable Dems: Jared Golden (Maine), Henry Cuellar (Texas), Susie Lee (Nevada), and more.
• Keys to Victory:
  Recruit "common sense" Republicans for these swing districts.
• Complacency Warning:
  “Complacency is the devil in politics.” [34:36]
  • Voter engagement and turnout remain non-negotiable for GOP hopes.

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On Early Voting Strategies:
  “We’ve proven that absentee ballot, early vote can work and we’ve proven that low propensity first time Trump voters are the special sauce of the Republican Party right now.” — Jessica Anderson [03:42]

• On the NYT Voter Shift Report:
  “It was just comical to me that the New York Times of all places showed these numbers. But they’re real…” — Jessica Anderson [05:21]

• On Trump’s Coalition:
  “Trump has a unique magnetism… but while his personality is not on the midterm ballots, the successes of his policies are.” — Jessica Anderson [08:37]

• On Messaging the Big Beautiful Bill:
  “The proof is in the detail and to get past the broad strokes of the bill and talk about the specifics, that’s where success is going to come.” — Jessica Anderson [16:36]

• On Democrats and Redistricting:
  “Democrats can’t win elections, honestly. So they’re manipulating the system.” — Jessica Anderson [21:09]

• On GOP Opportunity in the House:
  “These are not household Democratic names that you think are coming across the aisle… They’re entrenched… That gives a huge opportunity for the House to run a common sense Republican.” — Jessica Anderson [32:36]

• On Complacency:
  “Complacency is the devil in politics. So like despite, you know, obviously things looking good for Republicans, you know, voters need to turn out and so, like, all of that is moot if, you know, people don’t show up to vote or don’t send in ballots.” — Lisa Boothe [34:36]

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Important Segment Timestamps

• [01:45] Lisa Boothe introduces Jessica Anderson and outlines post-2024 landscape
• [03:42] Anderson discusses early voting and GOP base-building
• [05:21] Voter registration swings and causes
• [08:04] Will Trump’s coalition last?
• [16:09] Messaging challenges around Trump's "Big Beautiful Bill"
• [17:29] Bellwether gubernatorial races
• [19:52] Redistricting battles in TX, CA, FL, and OH
• [25:20] Fundraising, polling analysis, and historical context
• [31:50] House math: districts, recruitment, and prospects
• [34:36] The perils of complacency and closing thoughts

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Tone and Style

• The discussion balances data analysis and tactical advice with partisan, often humorous critiques of the opposition.
• Both speakers are energetic and confident, with Anderson providing campaign strategist expertise and Boothe threading in current event relevance.

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Final Takeaways

• The Republican Party, bolstered by Trump’s electoral strategy and lasting policy agenda, finds itself in a position of unprecedented organizational and demographic advantage heading into the 2026 midterms.
• The true test will be whether new coalitions can translate organizing and registration advances into sustainable, off-cycle electoral wins—especially with Trump off the ballot.
• Redistricting battles, fundraising leads, and persistent Democratic struggles suggest optimism for the right, but both speakers stress that vigilance and voter turnout are decisive.

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Transcript

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[F]

Truth with Lisa Booth where we get to the heart of the issues that matter to you. Today we're getting to the heart of the midterm elections, the shifting political landscape ahead of it. We're going to dig into it with Jessica Anderson. She is the President of the Sentinel Action Fund. You might remember her from before the 2024 election. We had her on the show and she wisely and astutely told us not to worry about the early voting and the mail in ballots that they were not cannibalizing the election day vote. I don't know if you remember, but that was the message from the left heading into election day that because Republicans were having a strong early turnout, that would mean that they would not have a strong turnout on election day. She was right. The left and the media were wrong. So that's why we're having her on again today. But we're going to talk about a really interesting new development. This report from The New York Times talking about a seismic 4.5 million voter swing towards Republicans since 2020. Why is that happening? What does it mean? We'll also break down some of these key bellwether races coming up this November. Prior to next November. You've got those gubernatorial races in New Jersey and Virginia. We'll talk about that. Also, we've got a redistricting arms race. What does that mean for the midterm elections? All of that and more, obviously. A lot to dig into with Jessica Anderson. Stay tuned. Jessica Anderson, it's great to have you on, I think since we last had you on. Well, we won the election. A lot, a lot happened. President Trump won the popular vote and Republicans, you know, took power of all of Washington, D.C. so kind of a big deal.

[A]

So kind of a big deal.

[F]

Yeah, you were a big part of that at the Sentinel Action Fund and, you know, getting those early votes and those mail and ballot votes. So. But yeah, so lots change.

[A]

Actually, I think, Lisa, the last time we talked was me trying to tell everyone, including your faithful listeners, that no, the early vote was not going to steal from Election Day. We are still going to win this thing and we're going to win these Senate races. And people thought we were nuts, you know. And so I think we've proven that absentee ballot, early vote can work and we've proven that low propensity first time Trump voters are the special sauce of the Republican Party right now. And Trump's magnetism to these voters is just critical. So a lot, a lot has happened since last year.

[F]

You're right. You did tell me that. And I think I went on Laura Ingram that night on the Inger Mangle and I believe I was like Jessica Anderson with the Sentinel Action told me that it is not cannibalizing Elections Day voters. And, and everyone looked shocked. But you're right, which is why we're having you back to talk about, you know, what's ahead with the midterm election. The midterms. So I wanted to get your take. So the New York Times had a report recently sort of highlighting this like big shift in voter registration trends that we have seen since the 2020 election in like really big impact on the Democrat Party looking about like 20 or I think 30 different states plus DC looking at the states that track voter reg by political party and finding that Democrats lost ground to Republicans in every single one, which has resulted in a net swing of 4.5 million voters toward the Republican Party. That is a significant shift. Talk about the significance of that. And why that matters, particularly heading into this midterm election.

[A]

It's remarkable that it took the New York Times to do this analysis to kind of get everyone in the political chattering class to realize that this big shift has been, been happening because I think people like you and I have seen this on the ground really the last four years in particular. And I think, I think there's two things that are happening at once. First, that the Democratic Party is just in a total free fall when it comes to policy. So you have, you know, major groups of, of people that are changing their voter registration, they're leaving blue states to move to states you look like, you look at like the exodus from California to Idaho or to Texas. And you're seeing, you know, major chunks of Democrats say we're fed up with the policies of Gavin Newson, we're going to, we're going to move to a red state. And then they're re registering there either as an independent or as a Republican. So I think that's really interesting, the post Covid movement of voters specifically attached to the failed policies and the flawed candidates. And this is happening at the exact same time that the Republican Party looked inward and realized after 2020 that they needed to build long term campaign infrastructure and have a more robust get out the vote approach. And I think we saw this, you know, you and I just joked about it in the opener, but you know, we saw this at full scale in 2024 when Republicans, you know, really did three things well, they narrowed the Democratic historic advantage that Democrats have usually had in early voting. They registered new voters. You see this in a key state like Pennsylvania that was both important for the Senate and the presidential turning out those low propensity first time Trump voters in those states that had just been registered six months prior. And then the third thing that I'm, I'm most excited about and I think we as a party and certainly those of us at Sentinel Action Fund are, are super pumped about, is you can have a durable long term political infrastructure to mobilize those newly registered voters early. And the key is you got to turn them out. So Democrats have had this forever because they had unions, right? Like they have unions in their cities and states that do that long term work. Well now because of the Trump effect, you have groups like Sentinel Action Fund that are able to go in there and do that same long term work. And so it was, it was just comical to me that the New York Times of all places showed these numbers. But they're real and I think it shows that Republicans have the edge going into the midterms on some really tough Senate races across the country.

[F]

You know, and what's interesting, so you talked about, obviously infrastructure is incredibly important like that get out the vote machine. As you point out, Democrats have been so good at it in the past, and now we've caught up and maybe even, you know, exceeded the left in that regard. But in terms of like the coalition President Trump put together, is that to last? I mean, are they Republican voters or are they Trump voters? And then how does that translate to a midterm election where while he is in office, he's not necessarily, his name's not on the ballot?

[A]

Yeah, I think that is actually the, the million dollar question right now for all of us that are, are doing work around the midterms. And we've, we've started our research and have a pretty good answer to that. The challenge is that Trump has a unique magnetism and, and voters turn out for him and they turn out not only because of his personality, but also because of his policy. And so while his personality is not on the midterm ballots. Right. He himself is not on the ticket. The successes of his policies are. So I think there's two things that Republicans can learn and need to be doing right now. One is telling the successful stories of the Trump agenda of the first 200 days. Right. You look at immigration and the economy, the two biggest things that were movers for voters this last election. Well, the changes that the Trump administration made on immigration were swift. It was fierce and it was, and it was so clear and tangible. Right. It was within the first seven days of him taking office. And so the temperature around immigration has actually cooled because the success was so quick and intense. The economy on the other side is taking time. Right. You have, it's a little bit more complicated. You've got the deregulatory savings that are coming in from the Trump deregulation agenda. You've got tariffs that have somewhat mixed messaging, but ultimately are going to land to more dollars in the pockets of consumers. And then you've got the extension of the tax cuts. So now that the big beautiful bill has passed, Trump really has, I think, the chance to turn the messaging tables back to congressional and senatorial candidates to say, okay, now you have to take the ball and run. I did the hard work by getting the Trump economic agenda formulated and, and, and tackled within the first 200 days. Now show voters this fall and winter that it's mattering and that you're the champion of it. And I Think the Senate and the House both saying that they are the partner to the Trump economic agenda is going to be key. And you got to put that in front of voters. So it's not just showing up at events, it's sending them mail treat, almost treating it like a year round campaign. Right. The things that we would do for get out the vote, do that now for the big beautiful bill. Talk about the prices of gas and the price of groceries and eggs going down, the benefits from tariffs, the benefit, the dollar amount benefit from drag all, all of that through mail, through digital, through text back to those voters. So I think one, that's a huge thing. We have to tell the successful story. It has to be clear and it has to be on the economy. The second is is continuing to frame the Democratic Party as basically insane and radical. I mean you've got Moon Dami up there in New York running as a full fledged socialist. I mean I can't think of a better foil. You've got Democrat senators that are traveling to El Salvador to meet with accused gang. You've got Dems that are now protesting against government waste. They protested against DC becoming more safe. I mean it's like every 30 days there's a brand new story of Democrats being completely radical and that they're only focused on being anti Trump instead of having some level of common sense. And so I think if Republicans in the midterms, specifically in tough states like Georgia going up, going after an entrenched Democrat like Senator Ossoff, if we can do this in a state like Georgia and really show the success of the economic agenda and how Ossoff stands for the radical crazy part of the Democratic Party, it's a win win. So I think those are the really the two things that come to mind as the most important things.

[F]

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[F]

On the big beautiful bill though it is a little bit complex because I haven't seen the latest polling, but largely the polling has been negative about the bill overall. And then when you get into certain pieces and elements of it that has been popular, like the no tax on tips. So you know, how do you sell that? Especially when Democrats are hammering like the Medicaid angle and all of that, the.

[A]

More detail the better. So you know, Trump is a mastermind at marketing so he markets this whole thing as the big beautiful bill, this grand thing. But the details of what this bill does and how it's going to impact my life, you know, my simple, simple life, why my life is going to get better. That is where this begins to sing. And Congressional Republicans and Senate candidates, they've got to do that. They have to literally go through the list of why this is going to help them. The dollar amount that's back in their pocket because of tax cuts being extended, you know, that number, that number was fourteen hundred dollars. And you know, that number could even grow even more once you add in deregulatory savings. So I think the proof is in the detail and to get past kind of the broad strokes of the bill and talk about the specifics, that's where the, I think the success is going to come.

[F]

You know, we've got two gubernatorial races coming up this November, one in New Jersey and one in Virginia that people are looking to as bellwethers to what will happen in the midterms. Right now both Republican candidates are behind, I believe both are based single digits but still behind. You know, how indicative do you think these races will be on what we see next November?

[A]

Yeah, it's a good question. I mean, you know, common logic is often that the, the November race on these off year cycles is a negative response to whoever's in the White House. Right. It, it worked with Youngkin against Joe Biden. It's worked historically in Virginia. I'm a resident there. You know, we're all worried about this virgin about the Virginia race, just as I'm sure you know, everyone that in, in New Jersey is as well. What I, what I think is challenging though is that the policies that Trump has negotiated and advocated for have been done in partnership with Congress, not with governors. And so there's a little bit of a disconnect here of the role that governors play in the Trump agenda. And the only reason I bring that up is because I think there's, if we take the theory of what I just laid out of being accurate, that to win in the midterms, you have to talk about the successes of the Trump agenda and you have to frame the Democrats as radical. If you take that as the premise, there's some cognitive, cognitive dissonance on actually the governor's race and how they worked in partnership with the Trump agenda, especially for a first time, you know, for, for candidates that are running for the first time or for, in the case of Virginia, that it's a lieutenant governor. So I'm not, I'm not completely sold that the New Jersey and Virginia races are going be bell, bellwethers for the midterms. But I do think we're going to learn a lot. We're going to learn whether what voters attitudes are like, if the turnout numbers are sustainable year over year without Trump on the ballot. So I'm not, you know, I'm not, I'm not saying that we won't learn anything. I'm just not completely convinced that there's not some cognitive dissonance in the minds of voters of how they view governors versus how they view the Senate and the House as a partner to Trump.

[F]

Well, you know, it'll be interesting, too, because at least in the Virginia gubernatorial race, there's some like, deja vu to 2021 with sort of like the parental rights aspect with especially transgenders and high school with allowing, you know, men in the woman's bathroom and vice versa. And, you know, I just saw that. Yeah. And Youngkin, I think, was down by like five at this point, and she's down by like seven, I think. So, you know, who knows if she's able to take, you know, some of these recent issues there and, and, you know, use it to, to take her to office or not. But, you know, I wanted to ask you, too. I know that you guys have been primarily focused on Senate races in the past, but, you know, looking at the House and redistricting, obviously we've got this like, redistricting arms race going on with Texas redistricting its map. And then now Gavin Newsom is putting, you know, a, you know, this will be a special council or special election vote on a new map in California. For California this November, there's also potential changes in like Florida. Ohio has to redo its map ahead of the 2026 midterm. So potentially like, you know, a bunch of different pickups. Right. So how do you think all of that will impact the midterms?

[A]

Yeah, I think that's a, I think that's a great question, especially because you had, you know, the issue with Texas felt like parochial, right. It just felt like this is just a Texas thing. And then what happened, you know, what happened in the end? Well, ultimately you end up with exactly where, where they started with Republicans able to achieve quorum and go back and pass the laws. So that was just funny in and of itself. But I think to your question, I think there's two things worth considering here. One, Democrats have long abused redistricting as an election tool to advance Democratic power. Look at the gerrymandering in states like Illinois and New York, New Jersey, even North Carolina, where swing districts or GOP seats were redrawn into safe Democratic strongholds. So I think Republicans are right to take a closer look at situations like that abuse on the left. But what they need to do and what I think is happening in Texas now is that they're ensuring that these maps are fair and that voters voices aren't drowned out by these partisan gerrymanders. And so, you know, when you saw the, the, the outrage from Democrats for free and fair maps, which was absolutely the right thing to do, when you saw Newsom and even Governor Hochul from New York, like you saw what their outrage was. And I think that they're mad because they know they can't win without rigging these districts. And so even though the redistricting battle feels very parochial, like a state issue, what does it have to do with me? I think the fact that you had neighboring Democrats from other states all across the country weigh in just shows how desperate they are to keep their power as opposed to recognizing that we need to have fair maps, they need to reflect voters. They cannot be drawn out. And we can't have Gerry, you know, gerrymandering as we've seen in states to now. So I do think it matters. I also want just comment on that because the census is also obviously related to that. And President Trump has had, I think, a lot of really great comments and executive orders that are getting at this. But you know how the census does the counting every 10 years has a direct line to the redistricting of this. And when you saw Democrat representative of that Clark just a few weeks ago, kind of say the quiet part out Loud as the. As the kids say. When she said, I need more migrants in my district for redistricting purposes, I just thought, okay, well, that just, like, drop the mic. They can't. Democrats can't win elections, honestly. So they're manipulating the system. Hence why they fight so hard against the census just counting legal migrants and why they're so opposed to a strong border. While this has to do with, you know, the number of people that are in their district, well, it also just.

[F]

Seems dumb to pick a redistricting fight when Republicans just have more opportunity to redistrict than the left does. It seems like they're, you know, picking a war that they cannot win. Just one, based on the fact that, you know, Republicans hold more GOP trifectas than Democrat trifectas. Not saying that they could redistrict in each of those states, but even Punchbowl News reported that there's a potential for Republicans to pick up at least a dozen or more House seats and redistricting efforts. So, like, if they really want to kick this off, they're just more limited in what they're able to do. I want to ask you, like, just looking ahead at the midterms and trying to read the tea leaves, you know, it's interesting because, like, Democrats approval ratings are in the toilet. Like, we're going to rock bottom. Historic lows for the left. Republicans are doing better with fundraising than the left is right now. You know, but you look at the real clear politics, and, you know, you look at the Congress, the congressional ballot, Democrats are up, but right now it's like 4%. So it's kind of like within the margin of error if you look collectively. But you look at history. And history would imply that Democrats would win back the House. So, like, looking at all those different data points, sort of telling different stories, like, what do things look like to you right now?

[A]

Yeah. So I think, you know, this is the same challenge that Republicans have year over year, but I think this cycle is different because 2024 kind of busted open the mold of how Republicans run elections. And it goes back to our earlier point about building durable, permanent infrastructures that will inform and mobilize voters. You have to connect the dots between the national narrative back to that local candidate. And the only way you connect those dots is to go back to the basics of campaigning with grassroots outreach and get out the vote and door knocking and phone calls and consistent outreach to these voters on the policy issues, telling them, you know, the goodness of what's happening before you even talk to them about how to vote or where to vote. So that's the challenge right now. It's why I think actually the fundraising numbers are so exciting, because you've got the RNC with 80 million plus on hand. I think those numbers were released earlier this summer, so they might even be higher today after they had their big meeting in Atlanta last week compared to 15 million for the DNC. That money, not only does it show strength and trust in the Republican Party, but it can then be used to turn out voters earlier and to have these conversations, conversations now and not waiting till August 1, 2026, to start engaging with voters. So I think that's huge. And, you know, on the, the larger issue of where the polling shows that the Democratic Party is just, you know, completely underwater, I mean, I, I read a stat this last week from a Wall Street Journal poll which, which had the worst rating for the Democratic Party in 35 years. I mean, that's, that's remarkable. When you think about everything that's happened the last 35 years, they're losing people. The registrations show it. The movement from blue states to red states show it. And then how they come down on these policies show it. So when, when Democrats pick fights on common sense issues like the transgender issue in Virginia, they're just on a losing side. And so I think that all of these headwinds actually flip the narrative that the 2026 midterms are going to be a rebuke of the Trump administration. I think it's going to be an embrace of the Trump administration. And not only will Republicans be able to retain the Senate and the House, but I think there's a pretty strong case to be made that they can flip Georgia and retire Jon Ossoff in the Senate and that they can fill that open seat in Michigan, you know, with Mike Rogers running a second time there. So I think there's a lot more to be optimistic about at this point. Point, we just have to do a lot of work between now and next November.

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[F]

Well, I'm almost even wondering if Republicans pick up House seats because, like, even on top of the redistricting, which would give Republicans more of an edge in these House races, like, even before that, just the starting point is that there are 13 Democrats running and Trump won seats and only three Republicans running, and Kamala Harris won seeds. And so, like, even just starting off with the map, Republicans are already at somewhat an advantage in the House. And then you add the redistricting element on top of it, you add the fundraising element on top of it, you add the historic lows for the Democrat Party. And then considering what Trump's approval ratings end up looking like heading into the midterms, like, I mean, I don't know, like, that does create a scenario where, like, maybe even Republicans pick up seats in the House.

[A]

Yeah, Absolutely. And those 11 to 13 House districts that are currently held by a Democrat but Trump won. And some of that, you know, obviously is gonna, is gonna change a little bit depending on how some of this redistricting goes down. You've got Democrats in there that aren't doing anything to come to show that they are common sense. You look at Jared Goldin in Maine or Henry Cuellar in Texas, like, these are the districts we're talking about here. Susie Lee in Nevada, like, these are not household Democratic names that you think are coming across the aisle to show that they can work with Trump. Right. They're entrenched. They continue to caucus and vote with their Democrat majority. And that, to me, gives a huge opportunity for the House to run a common sense Republican that can capture some of those Trump voters in the district, but also show that they themselves are common sense, that they're willing to work back across the aisle, that they're willing to support things that the majority of Americans actually support. And so I think that universe, being as intense as it is is the first place I would start for the House to have a good recruitment program, have good House Republicans that can run in those districts and then win. And then on the flip side, you know the three Republican districts that are represented by a Republican but Harris one, you know, you know these names, Don Bacon, Mike Lawler and Brian Fitzpatrick, all three of them are Republicans that often reach across the aisle to work with Democrats. So they're doing the work that they need to do to show that they're bipartisan to back to their district. Now Mike Johnson might not like that, right. But there they enjoy the privilege of that back to their district to ultimately win. The same cannot be said about these 13 Trump district Democrats.

[F]

And just to conclude on complacency is the devil in politics. So like despite, you know, obviously things looking good for Republicans, you know, voters need to turn out and so like all of that is moot if you know, people don't show up to vote or don't send in ballots. Jessica Anderson, president of the Sentinel Action Fund Appreciate you making the time and appreciate your insight.

[A]

Thanks so much for having me.

[F]

Those Jessica Anderson, President of the Sentinel Action Fund Appreciate her for making the time to come on the show. Appreciate you guys at home for listening every Tuesday and Thursday, but you can listen throughout the week. Also want to thank John Cassio, my producer, for putting the show together. Until next time.

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