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Mary O'Hara
Okay, this. You've reminded me of something. That is a real bug bear of mine.
Dan Gallucci
What is that term?
Mary O'Hara
It essentially means it really bugs me. Right?
Dan Gallucci
Just in case.
Mary O'Hara
But a bug?
Dan Gallucci
No one knows this. Mary's Irish welcome back to the Dream. I'm Dan Gallucci filling in for Jane Marie. This week, for most of my life, if I was going to have a conversation about wealth inequality or our lack of social services in the U.S. those conversations were with people who had a similar interest and there weren't a ton of them. Nowadays, it really wouldn't surprise me if anyone came up to me and started talking about wealth inequality. It's obviously affecting more people. All you have to do is look at the average annual income from the year 2000 to the year 2023. In 2000, it was $76,000. In 2023, it was $76,500. And during that time, inflation rose 80%. There are more billionaires now and the billionaires have more billions. In 2017, we cut taxes for the rich and we are about to do it again if we pass Trump's proposed big beautiful bill. Thankfully, I have a friend named Mary o' Hara who agreed to come in and talk to me this week. She's written two books on the subject of poverty, and we're going to be discussing her first book, Austerity Bites. And I'm really happy she's here today to help us parse through some of the reasons for this growing income disparity. Mary, thank you so much for coming on the show. We're really happy to have you here.
Mary O'Hara
Hey, Don, Good to be here.
Dan Gallucci
There's a lot to your history going back to your childhood. I'll just quickly say, having grown up in Northern Ireland during the Troubles in a very impoverished community, community couldn't have been easy. But you were able to get a full scholarship to Cambridge. And I want to talk to you about what happened after because it's all relevant to the discussion we're about to have. So can we start there and talk about your life post college?
Mary O'Hara
Yeah. So I went into journalism relatively late compared to a lot of people. I was in my late 20s when I went into. Originally, the first gig I got was as a financial report, not something I thought I'd be remotely interested in, but turned out to be an education that helped me when I did start doing the sort of journalism I really wanted to do, which was around social policy, social justice. So understanding the economics and the backdrop to that suddenly became really important. I was a staffer at the Guardian for well over a decade, then had a regular column there. And so I've written across the whole sort of spectrum of poverty, social justice, disability rights, and the impact that governments and policies have on these marginalized groups. And that's kind of been a thread now for a solid 20 years.
Dan Gallucci
You eventually moved to the US and have been in Los Angeles for a bit, and you continued to write for the Guardian?
Mary O'Hara
Oh, yeah. I had the column here with the Guardian for, oh, maybe seven years, and that was called Lesson From America, Very much to try and sort of unpeel the culture around the issues that I'm interested in. So not just writing news stories, reporting on poverty, for instance, but asking, why is it like this? And for me, one of the major parts of my work over all these years has been talking to people who aren't policy people as well. I love a good nerd, but. But the people who really understand these issues are the people who are living them. And so a lot of my work has been rooted in sitting in people's living rooms or community centers and talking to them about their life and how these policies impact them.
Dan Gallucci
So austerity bites.
Mary O'Hara
Yeah, it came out in 2014, in the immediate aftermath of the financial crisis. The UK's reaction, UK government's reaction at the time was shocking, really, because they just ripped the social safety net apart, having had a relatively robust welfare state since the Second World War. And it was unprecedented, the level of cuts to public services, to people's Social Security benefits, et cetera, et cetera. So it was happening so fast that I was just on the ground traveling to all kinds of places around the country. Scotland, Wales, England and Northern Ireland, investigating, basically talking to people about what the new government approach was doing to their lives. And I was doing video, audio, print, just getting the stories out as fast as I could. But I had way too much material to put out in those small segments. And so I went to the University of Bristol Policy Press in England and said, look, is there a way that we could create a legacy product from this reportage so that it has a life beyond these initial reflections? And so they were totally up for it. So I did extra interviews as I went along, and it became basically a chronicle of what had happened during that initial aftermath and the government's approach to dealing with the financial crisis fallout.
Dan Gallucci
Yeah. So when I think about austerity measures in the UK, I also think about Thatcher in the 80s. We had the same thing here with Reagan. What was different about these austerity measures that were put in place post financial crisis? And as you're traveling around and talking, how different were these austerity measures? And I guess, why was it so important to put the book out at that point?
Mary O'Hara
I mean, you know, I'd been reporting on social policy for a while, but it was a real Rubicon that had been crossed. The amount of pain that people were expected to absorb was extraordinary. So it felt right to create something that, you know, people could get from their library or teachers could use as a tool when people wanted to understand in aggregate, in real time, what was happening. And the paperback version came out a year later, in 2015, and even in that year, I had to update a load because so much more had happened. And one of the aspects of that entire time was not just that the policies were cruel and unnecessary and that they affected minorities and marginalized groups the most, but it was the language it was wrapped in.
Dan Gallucci
I'm assuming you're talking about the media and government. If so, what was it? What was different in the way they were kind of couching these ideas?
Mary O'Hara
So it was sold to the public in a very particular way, which meant that the public would feel that the government had no choice but to do this. And it just so happens that the people affected are actually lazy scroungers. And after the second edition came out, I spent a couple of years writing about these subjects again. But more and more it seemed to me that there was a cultural as well as a political angle to this. And the fact that the wider public would so readily accept narratives about people that were patently untrue or exaggerated, and that they would endorse policy on that basis, even with the evidence that people were hurting, even with the evidence that food banks were suddenly ballooning. So when I first started, I went to food banks. There were barely any in the UK before austerity. And now, like millions of people, rely on them.
Dan Gallucci
That's such a weird thing to hear. Cause food banks, for a long time they were one of the only ways to actually get resources to people who needed them in the United States.
Mary O'Hara
Yeah. And we knew that. I mean, in Britain we would look at the US and go, how the hell do people survive? You know, why isn't there a basic provision for FAMIL to have non stigmatizing access to food? Right. So it really was a cultural earthquake in the UK when people began to become aware that suddenly our safety net had been shredded, shredded rapidly, and that we were becoming more and more like the US in terms of our approach to welfare.
Dan Gallucci
I want to back up real quick. Your book is called Austerity Bites. And austerity isn't a word, I guess, isn't a word that we use very often in the U.S. so can you lay that out for the listeners? What does austerity actually mean, at least in this context and in the title of your book?
Mary O'Hara
Yeah, well, I think, I mean, austerity is one of those really adaptable words that's used in many contexts. Right. So people are aware that austere means pared down, right? Means stripped down, for instance. So we have a sort of common, common understanding of the meaning of that word. But austerity as a policy is a very specific approach by governments. I'm going to read the Collins dictionary definition because I think it's probably the most succinct one that there is. Basically what it is, is difficult economic conditions created by government measures to reduce a budget deficit, especially by reducing public expenditure. Right. So essentially what that means is a government will pull money out of its economy through massive cuts to the public sector in the deluded notion that that will fix their budget deficit because they've reduced spending without for a moment contemplating that actually maybe consider investment, maybe consider taxing the rich rather than bashing people who are already in difficulty. Because gee whiz, what happens when they follow this approach? The very things that they're warned about, that it is not effective, it never achieves the goal it set out to achieve, and therefore it's basically ideology as it's applied by governments wrapped in the facade of economic policy. And inevitably, the poorest are hit the hardest. The middle classes also take a bit of a hit because wider services are affected and the rich get off scot free because they don't use these services. They might get a bit pissed off when they can't find police officers because they've been cut or there's potholes in the road. But other than that, it's really something that affects poorer people. So after the financial crisis, when, you know, governments around the world were trying to deal with the various fallouts from it, everything from house prices to grocery prices to whatever, there were ripple effects that went across the globe at a.
Dan Gallucci
Time when people needed resources more than ever, specifically people.
Mary O'Hara
But not every government chose the route of austerity. So what happened in Britain, for instance, is when the global economy started pulling itself out of the financial crisis. The UK had like the slowest growth rates. Kaching, you know, you were told that that's what was going to happen, but still went down that road. And we're feeling the ramifications still.
Dan Gallucci
How loud was that, that voice then? I mean, because here, almost every four years you'll have at least a presidential campaign that will nod to inequality. How big was that voice in opposition?
Mary O'Hara
Well, I mean, not big enough. I mean, I wrote in Austerity Bites about how the labor opposition were just so slow off the mark on this. Academics were warning about it, social researchers were warning about it, community activists were warning about it. The people on the receiving end of these policies were warning about it. But it took the opposition a long time to even use the word austerity. Really. I mean, I'd be looking in newspapers and going, why is no one mentioning this? And then gradually, say through 2013, 14, 15, people began to wake up. Because when I was first doing the research, it was the very early days. By the time you got to 2015, those policies were beginning to have an impact on the ground. People were feeling it in their pockets, right? People were feeling it by ending up homeless because they couldn't afford their rent and stuff like that. So it was a very slow burn. Despite the fact that the cuts themselves that were introduced Were brutal and fast.
Dan Gallucci
And that's part of this, right? With any austerity measure or any budget cut. When it comes to social services, the effects are something that are going to be felt for a long time. I mean, they already are felt in various ways, the impact, but it was.
Mary O'Hara
A slow burn reaction to challenging it, with the exception of the disability community, really, because disabled people were absolutely aware immediately of what was happening and were among the first people to take to the streets and protest. You know, they were the canary in the coal mine for everybody else because they were feeling it almost immediately. And the media took a while to catch up. The right wing media didn't want to catch up because they didn't want to. They just wanted to pretend it wasn't happening anyway and were too busy labeling people as, you know, scroungers. But when you think that the conservative government had done this and an election happened four years after they started doing it and they were reelected, which was kind of mind blowing because by that point people were beginning to see the effects like food banks ballooning and stuff like that. But it was an unprecedented time. Because of the financial crisis, a lot of governments around the world were unsure about what to do or what was going to be the best approach.
Dan Gallucci
The kind of people that most government officials don't listen to.
Mary O'Hara
Don't listen to. Right. And so, you know, there were things that were happening that just took time. And then once they started hitting the headlines and people started looking at what was happening in terms of wages, in terms of wealth inequality, the ballooning number of billionaires, and not only in number, but in their actual wealth, suddenly people are going, oh, okay, so what's happening here? So you're telling us that we can't afford for ordinary people to go about their ordinary business and to pay people proper wages, but somehow the economy can sustain a number of billionaires, People just start going, what? How does that make sense?
Dan Gallucci
We'll be right back with more from our conversation with journalist and author Mary o' Hara.
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Dan Gallucci
Welcome back. Now more from my conversation with journalist and author Mario Ha Harem. We touched on this earlier, but I'm wondering if I'm correct in my thinking that these austerity measures didn't just come out of nowhere, that the path the UK was on when Thatcher was elected and then subsequently the almost mirrored path the US was on when Reagan was elected in the 80s.
Mary O'Hara
Well, it was a parallel policy path really. So, you know, you had Ronald Reagan in the States. In Britain, there was Margaret Thatcher and they were like bosom buddies, right? They were both products of the 1970s move towards neoliberalism in the sense of reduce the state, you know, reduce the state, reduce the power of trade unions, privatize everything you can privatize, deregulate everything that you can deregulate. And that gave birth to everything that came after the fertile ground for the financial crisis. The idea that the way to fix a country's problems is to take away even more of the safety net. They were all birthed during the 80s, really. And when we saw what happened in America, trade unions were decimated, basically. Private membership of trade unions in this country just now, when you bear in mind that the trade unions were in a large part responsible for growing wages in the aftermath of the Second World War, then that's a strategic hit. People who were thinking about how they could reshape the economy, reshape politics, knew that if they took out the unions, then that would be a major loss of solidarity of people coming together to find solutions to problems. It becomes much harder to find solutions to any of these problems. Problems if you fractured the groups that would normally be responsible for pushing for better conditions for workers. So you've taken out one of the major drivers of a journey toward equality.
Dan Gallucci
Not just taken it out, but demonized it. I grew up in a union family and there was never a point where unions were anything but positive. I've been in unions. They're not always fun to be in.
Mary O'Hara
Yeah, me too.
Dan Gallucci
But for the most part you know, my family wouldn't have gotten to where they were without a union. But I noticed that in the 80s and the 90s, as unions started to decline in their relevance, they were also being demonized in this way of talking about the corruption. What they had been asking for was now starting to cripple the economy.
Mary O'Hara
One doesn't exist without the other, right? You can't eliminate societal force for progress without demonizing it. If you don't demonize it, it just gets on with what it's doing, which is making people's lives better. So one, you have the objective, which is to diminish the power of workers and of organized workers, and then the other is the method that you use to deliver that objective. And one of the methods that you use to deliver that objective is to demonize the people who are standing up for workers rights, who are standing up for your average citizen. And if you do it effectively enough, then it really helps you break the unions much faster. Now, no one's saying that unions didn't have problems or that they were clean as a whistle. There's always been issues. Any large organization will have problems, right? That's it. There's no idea. But what we do know is that it's the best that we could come up with as a society to further workers rights. No one at the top just hands things to the people at the bottom, right? They don't. I mean, philanthropists might say they do, but they do it in a very specific way. But you don't get it by asking for it, and you don't get it by waiting for it. You only get it by acting to make it happen. Right? And that means putting pressure on politicians, on industry, on corporations to do that. And most effective route we found was unions. And so if you track the growth of unions anywhere in Europe, in America, anywhere, it tracks with rising wages, reduced inequality, which is why that post war period between 1945 and, let's say 1980, because that's when Reagan got elected, just for the sake of simplicity, was an enormously unique period in human history. Nothing like it had ever happened before. The Industrial Revolution didn't bring wonderful equality to people. It saw workhouses and people being worked to the ground, right? So it was an incredibly unique period in time. And it took two world wars to get to the point where working people could actually claim what was theirs. You know, there was a general sense of a forward trajectory, but for some people, that wasn't what they wanted. And they wanted the old status quo. There's a Reason, Elites are elites. It's because they manufacture it. And the one time in history where we were able to manufacture better conditions for workers and greater equality was anathema to these people. So then we end up with the fight back. And the fight back was forensic and targeted and strategic, and it worked. So, you know, the services that we rely on for, say, kids in care, are older people who, you know, may have health issues. That gets slashed. Everything was being slashed, right? And so obviously we have the National Health Service, which, when the last labor government was in, was ranked as probably the top health service in the world. Went from that to being on its knees, right? So think about it. If you've got older people, for example, who need care from local social services, from local government, that could be someone coming around and helping them with the cleaning or, you know, any of the meals on wheels, any of those sorts of tasks, or checking in on their health and making sure they're okay. If those people don't get those services, where do they end up? In the hospital. Right. So everything is a separate issue, but everything isn't a separate issue. But because they slashed everything at once, almost everything at once, the pressure on the system was propulsive. It was an extraordinary thing to do.
Dan Gallucci
It is vicious by its very nature that people want to retain a certain amount of wealth while other people are suffering.
Mary O'Hara
It's inherently violent, right? So austerity is a violent act against your own population. I mean, and there are physical, including death outcomes to this. If that isn't violent, I don't know what is. But there's another level to it which is almost complicit violence by not challenging the system, that could help alleviate those problems. So if someone's sitting on a big metaphorical stack of cash, right, if you visualize it like that, there is no one who can make an argument to me that sticks that says this is morally or ethically justifiable. It isn't. You know, it isn't.
Dan Gallucci
Okay, so what happens then, like when the unions are being completely marginalized and the politicians, especially the ones on the left, because the right are basically just enacting the policies that they ran on, but neither are advancing the quality of life for people in the bottom 50 to 80% of the population. It just seems normal to me, I guess. I don't know if normal is the right word that people kind of put their heads down and just try to get through the day because it doesn't feel like there's any sort of representation that's going to help it can obviously feel like voting doesn't matter and that things are just going to be difficult no matter what we do.
Mary O'Hara
Right? There's a skepticism.
Dan Gallucci
Yeah.
Mary O'Hara
And the weird thing about that skepticism is a, it's awful, but B, it's entirely logical. So if the federal minimum wage in this country is exactly what it was, what is it now, 14 years ago, 15 years ago, maybe. And in that time you've had Democratic administrations, you can forgive people for going, what the hell are you doing for me? Because this means that any employer can say, oh, I'm paying the federal minimum wage. Look at me, aren't I great? Even though inflation has altered dramatically during that time period, everything costs more, including rent, Right? So you've got that on the one hand, then on the other hand, the system has already screwed you so much that you've got your hands and feet tied. So culturally, people are having a deeply logical response to a very clear situation. You can't afford to not just get your head down, work your three jobs, try to pay off your debt, even though you probably never will. When you've created a society like that, you've literally cut off at the knees the potential for people to challenge that system, ally that with the amount of money that swirls around in lobbying and politics, then the power imbalance is so great that, again, it's a logical response for the average person to go, this system just screws me no matter who's in power. I can understand that. But then the other thing that happens is that cold realism gets exploited by people who then go, if they figure this out, they're gonna know it was us that did it. So we gotta find some people to put the blame on. And so all of these things are all intertwined. And I mean, if you're coming from the perspective of social good shouldn't exist. Well, you know, you're looking at a pretty good space right now.
Dan Gallucci
Because of course, if you are going to start blaming other people for these issues, then immigrants come to the forefront. And we're speaking right now from Los Angeles on Monday, June 9, 2025.
Mary O'Hara
We've had a bit of a weekend.
Dan Gallucci
We've had a bit of a weekend. But that tension has been building up for a long time.
Mary O'Hara
Yes. Because scapegoating is a fantastic sport to these people. Right. That blaming, that scapegoating is helped along quite nicely, thank you very much, by our media ecosystem, where we've ended up in a land of silos.
Dan Gallucci
Right.
Mary O'Hara
So we've got fewer community spaces, and alongside that, the media system Changes, and social media becomes suddenly extremely important, and we become silos within silos within silos. And it becomes, it turns out, very easy to manipulate people algorithmically and with the right person in front of the particular microphone, because people are usually having their first reaction is usually entirely logical, which is, the system has screwed me. The question then becomes, who goes into that space and tells them why that's happening? Right. And if you're being told that why that's happening, it's because single moms who are trying to feed their kids or, like, you know, trying to get SNAP benefits, or it's immigrants who are coming in and air quotes stealing your jobs. Well, they'll find the enemies to point the spotlight at to distract from the fact that, of course, none of those people are to blame for the crisis that everybody's in. What was always interesting to me was that America, for such a long time boasted about it being a nation of immigrants and a melting pot. It was a mark of pride. Right. Whereas I grew up in the UK where the British were losing their colonies around the world. And, you know, and there were problems with immigrants coming in from the Caribbean and the former colonies that stoked riots, et cetera, et cetera. But I think one of the things that kind of breaks my heart with the U.S. is that something that was a mark of pride has been so toxified and so inflamed. What I was discovering with austerity bites was that as inequality grows even wider, the loud voices trying to distract you from it have to become louder, too. Right?
Dan Gallucci
Right.
Mary O'Hara
At the same time, we've got a budget bill going through Congress that would ostensibly wipe out some of the most important safety valves for people. You know, Medicaid is under attack, et cetera. And we see a sort of upsurge in the rhetoric, blaming people, you know, for nothing that they have caused. You know, this sort of particular wave of attacks on the poor has been, I think, among the worst I've observed in a long time. So you get statements like, that little gravy train is getting ready to run out. 70% of people on Medicaid are in work.
Dan Gallucci
Right.
Mary O'Hara
You know, and most of those who aren't are either old, disabled, or in school. But they paint it as if everyone's just sitting. Sitting there waiting for handouts, when, of course, the real handouts are going to the rich. Because the whole point of this particular bill is to actually do that. They're not even hiding it. Right. It's to sustain tax cuts for the rich when we're in a situation where like, a lot of people voted for that. That's really heartbreaking.
Dan Gallucci
We'll be right back with more from journalist and author Mary o' Hara.
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Dan Gallucci
Welcome back to my conversation with Mary o' Hara, journalist and author of the book Austerity Bites, which had its 10th anniversary edition come out in the fall of 2024. So I think, getting going back to the question I was asking earlier. What happens to us, like emotionally, psychologically, from a societal standpoint, when we're facing what feels like insurmountable odds and we're trying to ask for the most basic necessities for people who need them? How does that change us?
Mary O'Hara
There's a lot of really interesting psychological research out there around what happens to the human brain when a person is in extreme poverty or is having to meet a lot of these challenges all at once. And our brains alter, right?
Dan Gallucci
How could they not?
Mary O'Hara
And our stress responses are very different. But it's about more than that, right? So it's not just about getting by, you know, as much as that's a noble goal. Like the question becomes, how do we live lives that are enriched? So I've interviewed people who would talk about how just getting that little bit of help means that, let's say they can do a course online so they can get some qualifications. That means they can get a better job. But if they got assistance in the first place to make that maneuver, then down the line, what comes? The benefits of what comes is really quite incredible for that family, for the kids in that family, because turns out that if you help people, they actually get on with the business of making their lives better and it makes it harder for you to demonize them. But this is one. Okay, you've reminded me of something that is a bit real bugbear of mine.
Dan Gallucci
What is that term?
Mary O'Hara
It essentially means it really bugs me, just in case, but a bug.
Dan Gallucci
No one knows this, Mary's Irish, but.
Mary O'Hara
A bug bar, like just gives it a little bit of emphasis to say it more than bugs you, right?
Dan Gallucci
Yeah.
Mary O'Hara
It becomes like an obsessive thing. And for me, it's the framing and communication of good stuff when it happens. So Democrats here, and same goes for labor in the UK are really, really awful at blowing their own trumpets when they have created policy that has good results, that has helped people's lives. It's almost like we don't really want to talk about that because it's just going to get shot down as like socialism or something like that. Well, the only way people are going to understand that these policies are a good investment and that they work is if you shout it from every rooftop you find. If you don't let people know what it does, it becomes so easy to undermine them because then someone comes in and goes, this is a wasteful policy. It costs X trillion dollars. If you use the term investment. People think differently about the word investment, say, versus welfare. And that's my other big bugbear is why welfare, which is such a great word? Because it's about. It's the kindest word. Right. It's like animal welfare, human welfare. I mean, who could argue against welfare? It's great, but turns out you can. But that's only really possible because, you know, the left doesn't claim welfare as a good thing. It is a good thing for our society, for our collective welfare to be looked after and fostered. Right. I don't know how you argue with that, but that is my bug bar is that even when good things happen, albeit slowly, they don't communicate it well, they don't shout about it, and then they open themselves up. You know, if I'm looking for shreds of positive, it's the fact that we have the evidence that when certain policies are given a chance that they do improve people's lives. But I think the direction of travel isn't great if this is what we end up with. Because for someone today like you and I would know people, lots of people who are technically in professional jobs, you know, highly educated, highly experienced, but they still don't have any financial security.
Dan Gallucci
We do know a lot of people.
Mary O'Hara
A lot of people, but that's the vast majority of people that I know. You know, whereas 30 years ago, the people who you might have identified with who were struggling would have been regarded as solidly lower working class. It was a subset of a subset. And now it's just almost everyone, really. So that's why I'm saying, like, the direction of travel is what worries me, because how do we get equality back? I don't know. But I do think people are more conscious now, maybe, than they were 10 years ago, because the obscenity of the wealth differences now is so off the charts.
Dan Gallucci
Well, in the meantime, all the things that have kept us in a place where it is difficult to think beyond just what we need to do to get through the day are only going to get worse.
Mary O'Hara
Yeah. I think it's interesting that the term that springs to mind is a military strategy term. Right. Which is shock and awe. And this is a societal equivalent. And we're all kind of reeling, I think, if we're honest.
Dan Gallucci
Yeah, absolutely.
Mary O'Hara
But that's not to say that objectively there aren't things that can be done that there aren't arguments to be made for why something as all invasive as inequality needs to be addressed. I mean, you know, and there are some politicians who speak very well on this and that it, you know, it is a moral issue. If I was a religious person, I would certainly be looking at it through that prism. I think the new Pope is looking at it through that prism. You know, it's interesting that he's talking about those things, too. So I think there are ways to talk about it and practical things that people advocate for. It's just that we're all frustrated that we can't change everything right away. Yeah, but that's never been the case in the whole of history.
Dan Gallucci
Thank you so much for coming on the show today.
Mary O'Hara
Well, thank you for asking me. I can't even remember anything I said.
Dan Gallucci
Well, I think, yeah, it's. We're just trying to figure it out, that's all. And it's going to take a long time.
Mary O'Hara
We're all just trying to figure it.
Dan Gallucci
Out, and we're not just going to be able to figure it out right away. It's going to take a long time, and we're going to have to see the effects of wellness come to fruition over the course of many, many years. So.
Mary O'Hara
Yeah, but that's why people like me, you know, we rumble around and try to figure out what we can and collaborate with others and build a body of information and evidence that helps us think about it. And, you know, I don't know. That's the best that I can offer.
Dan Gallucci
Thank you, Mary.
Mary O'Hara
Thanks D.
Dan Gallucci
The Dream is a production of Little Everywhere. I want to thank our guest Mary o' Harrick for coming on the show. Go buy her books. They're amazing. Austerity bites, obviously, which we're focusing on today. 10th anniversary edition is out now. And also a book called the Shame Game about the psychological impacts of poverty. We'll be back next week.
Mary O'Hara
Hi, this is Frances from Fixable, a podcast from ted.
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Podcast Summary: The Dream - Episode "Austerity Posterity"
Release Date: June 14, 2025
Host: Dan Gallucci (Filling in for Jane Marie)
Guest: Mary O'Hara, Journalist and Author of "Austerity Bites"
In this compelling episode of The Dream, host Dan Gallucci engages in an in-depth conversation with journalist and author Mary O'Hara. They delve into the pressing issue of wealth inequality and the impact of austerity measures on society. Mary, who has extensively researched and written about poverty and social justice, provides critical insights into the policies that have exacerbated economic disparities in both the UK and the US.
Mary O'Hara brings a wealth of experience to the discussion, having grown up in Northern Ireland during the Troubles in an impoverished community. She earned a full scholarship to Cambridge, which paved the way for her career in journalism. Mary spent over a decade at The Guardian, writing extensively on social policy, poverty, disability rights, and the effects of government policies on marginalized groups.
Notable Quote:
"Understanding the economics and the backdrop to social justice became really important for me."
— Mary O'Hara [04:16]
Mary discusses her book, Austerity Bites, which chronicles the UK's response to the 2008 financial crisis. She criticizes the government's harsh cuts to the social safety net, which she describes as unprecedented since World War II.
Key Points:
Notable Quote:
"Austerity is a violent act against your own population."
— Mary O'Hara [27:23]
The conversation explores the parallel paths taken by the UK under Margaret Thatcher and the US under Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, both adopting neoliberal policies aimed at reducing state intervention, weakening trade unions, privatizing industries, and deregulating markets. Mary asserts that these strategies laid the groundwork for the widespread wealth inequality observed today.
Key Points:
Notable Quote:
"Austerity is inherently violent, with physical outcomes including death."
— Mary O'Hara [27:23]
Mary discusses how cultural narratives and media framing have perpetuated misconceptions about austerity and welfare. She criticizes the media for demonizing trade unions and blaming marginalized groups for economic hardships, thereby diverting attention from the systemic issues driving inequality.
Key Points:
Notable Quote:
"If you don't let people know what austerity does, it becomes so easy to undermine them."
— Mary O'Hara [40:32]
The discussion moves to the psychological effects of extreme poverty and constant economic stress. Mary references research on how poverty alters brain function and stress responses, making it difficult for individuals to pursue long-term goals or improve their circumstances.
Key Points:
Notable Quote:
"If you help people, they actually get on with the business of making their lives better."
— Mary O'Hara [39:26]
Mary expresses concern over the current political climate, where policies continue to favor the wealthy while neglecting the needs of the broader population. She emphasizes the need for effective communication of policy successes and the importance of advocacy to rebuild support systems.
Key Points:
Notable Quote:
"The direction of travel is what worries me, because how do we get equality back?"
— Mary O'Hara [42:40]
Dan Gallucci and Mary O'Hara conclude the episode by acknowledging the immense challenges ahead in addressing economic inequality and reversing the detrimental effects of austerity. Mary underscores the importance of collective action and informed advocacy to create a more equitable society.
Notable Quote:
"We're all just trying to figure it out, and we're not just going to be able to figure it out right away. It's going to take a long time."
— Mary O'Hara [45:03]
This episode of The Dream offers a thorough examination of austerity measures and their profound impact on society. Mary O'Hara's expertise provides listeners with a deeper understanding of the systemic issues fueling wealth inequality and the urgent need for policy reform. Her insights encourage a reevaluation of current economic strategies and highlight the critical role of effective communication and advocacy in driving social change.
Recommended Reading:
Stay Tuned: Join us next week for another insightful episode as we continue to explore the facets of the "American Dream" and the barriers to its achievement.
Note: Advertisements and non-content segments have been omitted to focus on the core discussion.