
Olga Rudenko, the editor-in-chief of the Kyiv Independent, explains how Russia is supporting Iran with drone technology, and how the worldwide shock to oil prices is helping Russia.
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This is the New Yorker Radio Hour, a co production of WNYC Studios and the New Yorker.
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Welcome to the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick. Ukraine has been fighting off the Russian army and the brutal calculations of Vladimir Putin for more than four years now, longer than the United States fought in the Second World War. Donald Trump has been reluctant at best, about defending Ukraine since the start, and he said that he'll withdraw American support unless Ukraine makes enormous concessions of territory. And over the last month, America's war in Iran has only strengthened Putin's hand. The oil crisis in the Middle east has raised the value of Russian oil exports again and again. Donald Trump threatens to pull the United States out of NATO, which also must really please Vladimir Putin, even if Trump can't actually do it on his own. Russia is now sending drones to Iran and has provided intelligence to be used against American forces. All of this was reported recently in the Kyiv Independent, an English language news site. The editor is Olga Rudenko, who founded the Independent with fellow journalists in Ukraine. I met Rudenka with some of her colleagues in New York late last year and we spoke again recently. She was in her office in Kyiv. Olga, it's very good to see you. How has life been for you?
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Well, it's, you know, it's gotten pretty tough in January. So we, January and February were the toughest winter that we've had ever.
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Tough because it's the most bombing you've seen in Kyiv since the beginning of the war.
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It is by far the most bombing. And it's been this way since early 2025. Since early 2025, things changed dramatically for people in Kyiv. But it's since a few months ago when Russians really succeeded in targeting the energy facilities and we were facing blackouts and for many weeks we were on maybe like 12 hours of electricity supply a day, which is suboptimal, especially when combined with what was, I think, like the coldest winter in 16 years. Something like that.
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Do you feel forgotten by the west, particularly now that the war in Iran has taken up all the headlines?
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I wouldn't say forgotten because we've been through this, obviously, with the October 7th attack, because that was the first time when we've experienced this attention shift. So I wouldn't say forgotten. I think everything that's been happening since Donald Trump took office and started his sort of peace talk process has been quite surreal for us. Yeah, forgotten is not the word, but sometimes I do. See, I wouldn't say that necessarily. I feel like that. But Ukrainians increasingly Feel betrayed by the west, particularly by the US Why more
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so now than before?
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Well, because, I mean, I want to be very, very frank. I think that a lot of things that the current US Administration is doing is effectively siding with Russia. And I think in the beginning of 2025, maybe spring 2025, in became independent, we wrote an editorial saying that the US has switched sides in this war, effectively. Because when you read what's happening lately, and especially I think yesterday was the first time, even though we kind of had wind of this for a while, but yesterday was the first time when President Zelensky said publicly that the US Is only ready to provide security guarantees to Ukraine if Ukraine surrenders more ground
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to Russia, even more ground than it has.
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Yes, yes. It is such an insane thing because it means surrendering to Russia the most fortified part of Ukraine, this part of Ukraine that Russia wants, that it hasn't been able to take in 12 years. This is now our security guarantee. This fortified belt of the Donbas of eastern Ukraine that is standing between where the fighting is now and the rest of the country. And this is what Russia demands to get in order to sign any sort of peace agreement. And to hear now that the US Our ally, supposedly our ally, is making this a condition, it is insane if you think about it, because it is so not in the interests of the US as well.
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When I would talk to Ukrainians two years ago, three years ago, they would insist that the only way this war ends, in their view, is with the return of all land that has been taken and an ability to join the EU and security guarantees from the West. There was still talk of NATO or some path toward NATO. And even when I speak to the most ardent Ukrainians now, the spirit of the conversation is very different. There's at least some sense of resignation, disillusionment. Well, but disillusioned, but also some sense that whatever resolution happens, there will be land that Russia will hold onto, at the very minimum, Crimea, but probably parts of the East. And NATO probably is not in the conversation, although the EU may well be in security guarantees. How have you changed in your assessment of the way the war will end and what Ukraine will look like at that point.
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I think we have come a long way since 2022, when the idea of victory was associated very firmly with the return to the 1991 borders. This is how it would usually be called, which means the return of all the territories of Ukraine, including those that Russ took in 2014, which is some parts of western Ukraine and Crimea. Now, you will often Hear, although not from usually not from somebody that presents the landscape. But you would often hear some voices saying that the most important thing is to preserve Ukraine's sovereignty and to preserve Ukraine as a country that can rebuild itself. But at the same time, nobody's comfortable with the idea. Nobody's ready to be comfortable with the idea of Russia holding on to the Ukrainian land indefinitely. I think the thinking is that we need to stop this now, but eventually those lands need to be returned to Ukraine, including Crimea.
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When you talk about the future of Ukraine the way you do, do you see it in a kind of timeline that's analogous to a place like South Korea, where South Korea is under the protection in the sense of the West? There's always a yearning for reunification. But it's obvious that the timeline for this has nothing to do with next week or next year.
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I think I learned in these four years that any comparisons are very imperfect. And although we tend to instinctively reach out for comparisons like this to South Korea and North Korea situation and comparisons to other wars as well, it's a very treacherous thing. I don't think of it in those terms. No, not really. I know what the outcome has to be, but I'm not sure how we're going to get there. Like, I. I do firmly believe that there will be a point when, for example, those lands will again be part of Ukraine. But I don't know when or how we'll get there. But I have this instinctive sense, and it's not me as a traumatized Ukrainian, you know, it's not me just, just not wanting to deal with an injustice or something like this, but it just. As somebody who grew up at this intersection of Russian, Ukrainian culture and who knows a bit of history and who Ukraine and Russia so well, I have this instinctive feeling that we're going to arrive at the point where Russia is not going to be a threat that it is now, it's not going to be a power that it is now, and that injustice of 2014 and 2022 will be fixed. And I may sound very naive speaking about this, but I do have a pretty strong feeling that we'll arrive there. I just. I hope I will live to see that.
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When you were in my office last December with your colleagues, I just, as a matter of fellow feeling, asked how everybody was and how were your family and friends, and there was a really long pause and it was very clear that people didn't want to go into very much detail what affects you for
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a very long time. I just couldn't make my peace with the fact that we have curfew. We have curfew now for four years. And it means that you can't be outside from midnight till, I think it's 5am Now. They have shortened it, maybe it's 4. But you have this midnight as a cutoff time. By midnight you have to get home and you plan accordingly. If I'm in the office, I'm working late. I know that the latest time when I can call a taxi is like 11:15 or I can be detained if I'm outside. And it used to really, I'm not somebody who goes out at night. I think I've been to a nightclub once on assignment. But turns out that you want to have this opportunity. You want to be able to go on a nighttime walk around the city or you want to be able to stay late at work and, you know, take a 2am Taxi home. And it used to really, really. I used to really feel the constraint of this on my, on my freedom. And then I guess I got used to it.
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The war with Iran benefits more than anybody I can think of. Russia. Oil prices have gone way back up. The restrictions have been lifted. Russia is alleged to. And I think even in your paper, the Kyiv Independent, there have been reports that Russia has provided intelligence to Iran. The United States is struggling. Iran itself of course, is struggling. But Russia seems to be ironically, at least for the moment, a winner in this.
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Yes, absolutely. And Russia is providing more than just intelligence. There were reports in the past couple of days that Russia is actually sending drones to Iran, which is, you know, Iran has played such a huge role in enabling Russia's war against Ukraine because it is a country that initially has provided a strong technology to Russia. Russia was first buying these drones from Iran and then they set up production in Russia and now it is sending those same drones to Iran to help them out. And yes, Russia is a winner at the moment in this. I know how long this wind will last, but they are. And what is also ironic in a dark way, in the dark sense of the word, is that this solution for Russia arrived just when everything indicated that Russia's economy was really beginning to feel the strain of the war. So we were looking forward to seeing what's going to happen further on in 2026 with will Russia economy finally be under enough strain for. Of course not for the people to rise, because I don't think that's ever going to happen, but to at least maybe to feel some consequences and maybe this insane pressure that it is putting on Ukraine would subside. And then the solution arrives with the oil prices and with the sanctions on Russian oil being lifted. So it couldn't have been better for them.
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Tell us a little bit more about the military connection between those two countries, Russia and Iran, and what the Kyiv Independent has been able to find out.
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Well, Iran played a huge role in enabling Russia's war against Ukraine ever since 2022. So in October 2022, I think was the first time when Iranian drones were used against Ukraine. And in the beginning, those drones were something that Russia was buying from Iran. But very quickly they just set up production in Russia using the Iranian technology. And that allowed Russia to scale up the production so much that in 2025 alone, Russia sent 55,000 drones like that at Ukrainian cities. And we're talking cities, we're not talking frontline fighting, we're talking cities often far from the front line, where those drones were targeting everything, mostly civilian infrastructure. 55,000 in 2025. And those are drones that are made with Iranian technology, but in Russia. So now when Iran is under attack, Russia is sending not just intelligence, as was reported, but reportedly it's also sending drones to Iran because now it has this very large scale production of those drones. So it is this exchange that now enables Iranian defense. And we actually interviewed a couple weeks ago, we interviewed Iranian envoy in Kyiv and it was an interesting interview because he was claiming that Iran is completely new for all in the war, that it is not a military ally of Russia, that it has not contributed to the war at all. So the whole interview is just his answer and then a big chunk of texts from us just fact checking why it's a lie. But yeah, they are. It is. It is a military alliance. And Iran has done a lot to enable, enable Russia in its war against Ukraine. It has. Russia would not be able to terrorize Ukrainian cities as it has been without Iranian help.
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Has the sense of Ukrainian abandonment by the US increased when with the war in Iran, in other words, there are reports that the Pentagon is considering diverting military aid intended for Ukraine and diverting it to the Middle East.
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From day one of this, we have been very conscious that this is a major risk for us because we are dependent on Western air defense systems. Ukraine shoots down most of the drones that targeting Ukraine on its own, but it needs air defense aid from the west to take down Russian missiles that do a lot of damage. This is, from what we understand, from what we know from our reporting, part of this bargaining that is happening now with President Zelensky offering Ukrainian drone technology to Middle east and to the US Actually offering Ukrainian technology in intercepting drones that Ukraine has developed from scratch in these four years in exchange for getting air defense systems that can help Ukraine deal with Russian ballistic missiles, which sounds like a reasonable deal. But unfortunately, as you probably know, President Trump snapped at this offer a couple of times publicly and saying that we definitely don't need help from Ukraine and we definitely don't need help from Zelensky.
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Mm. Is Ukraine, in essence, waiting for another US President, or does it feel that it's stuck with Donald Trump and that it has to find a way to accommodate his very particular character and ego? Because we all remember that session in the Oval Office where Trump and Vance exploded and at Zelensky in a way that I've never seen, and I've been doing this longer than you have. I've never seen anything like it. Say thank you, except that there are disagreements, and let's go litigate those disagreements rather than trying to fight it out in the American media. When you're wrong, we know that you're wrong. But you see, I think it's good for the American people to see what's going on. I think it's very important. That's why I kept this going so long. You have to be thankful you don't have the cards. You're buried there. People are dying. You're running low on soldiers. Listen, you're running low on soldiers. Ever since Zelensky, when he comes to Washington or he meets with Trump or there's some phone call, he bends over backwards in an almost embarrassing way to accommodate the possibility of another explosion or to avoid that. That must be talked about quite a lot in Ukraine, how to deal with Donald Trump.
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Indeed, it's every time when they meet again after that insane Oval Office meeting, Every time they meet, you're watching. Is it going to happen again? Is it going to happen again? I can't imagine what it must be like for him and for the Ukrainian team to be coming to Washington for any meetings with after that. But I think Ukraine has been trying to be accommodating and trying to be very sensible and trying to play. To use rational arguments, but also play to Trump's ego and emotions a bit. But the thing is, even though an explosion like that has never happened again yet, thankfully, I think the sentiment that caused it is still very much there. Here is something that. It always amazes me that I think a lot of people in the US Administration don't understand that it's not Zelenskyy who is an obstacle to signing an unfavorable peace deal for Ukraine. It's not Zelenskyy being stubborn and saying, I won't sign this, I won't sign this. I won't go for this. No, he does not have a choice. If he signs a peace deal that gives Donbass to Russia, he will probably be out of office the next day because people are not going to accept it. Even with how exhausted everybody is, and everybody is so exhausted with the war, the majority of Ukrainians still don't want a peace deal at any cost, still don't want an unfair peace deal. So Zelenskyy doesn't have a choice that Trump, I think, thinks that he has.
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I'm speaking with Olga Rudienko, the editor in chief of the Kyiv Independent. We'll continue in a moment. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. Did you ever wonder what it's like to live alone, hidden in the woods, not speaking to a single soul for 30 years? 30 years. Or wander the desert, uncover a hidden well, and dive to the bottom of the deepest water hole for 2,000 miles? The snap Judgment podcast takes you there with amazing stories told by the people who live them, with an original soundscape that drops you directly into their shoes. Snap Judgment Listen and subscribe wherever you get your podcast. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick, and I've been speaking with Ukrainian journalist Olga Rudenko, editor in chief of the Kyiv Independent. We spoke earlier about what it's like to report on Russia's war on their country while living through it themselves. Now, that's an experience that most American journalists have never had. And yet other aspects of her story are very familiar. The journalism business is under political and financial threat in this country and many others. The Kyiv Independent is called Independent because there's no media baron and no oligarch controlling it. It was founded by Olga Rudienko and a group of her young colleagues who broke away from another paper, the Kiev Post. You were at a newspaper in Kyiv and decided around 2021 that you needed more independence. Tell us that story, how the Kyiv Independent came to be in breaking with the Kyiv Post.
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Well, so by the end of 2021, I had been working in this newspaper in Kyiv called KYIV post for 10 years at the time, and I was at the time deputy chief editor. And it was a place that was pretty different from many other Ukrainian media outlets in the sense that it had enjoyed editorial independence, kind of against the odds because it was not profitable. It was getting some money from its owner every month. But at the same time, the chief editor at the time managed to maintain the editorial independence of the newsroom. And that's not something that you take for granted when you work in Ukrainian media, because if you are in a paper that is being subsidized by the owner, then usually it means that the owner dictates what to write. And by dictates, I mean pretty directly. And it was not the case with the kpost. And we were really enjoying this privileged position of being independent. Then at the end of 2021, near the end of 2021, that started changing.
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Why did it change? What happened?
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Well, because a few years before that, the paper changed owners and the new owner went along with the rules for a few years and maintained the independence of the newspaper. Then I think his patience ran out because he kept getting phone calls from people very high up, and the calls would be about the critical coverage of the paper. And I don't think he was, in his core, a big fan of independent journalism. I don't think he bought into it because he believed in independent press. And his patients ran out, and he started putting pressure on the newsroom to tone down the critical coverage and to make some change that the newsroom was opposed to, not just the chief editor, who was the main defender of the independence, but actually the whole newsroom was opposed to it. And then the owner, I think his patients ran out completely. And on one day in November 2028, he just fired everybody, the entire paper. 50 people were fired, effective immediately. And he initially planned to shut it down, but then he restarted it with a more loyal staff and is still active.
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Now, how does Zelensky, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, feel about a free press? We think of him in absolute contradiction to Vladimir Putin in so many ways. And that's true. But when it comes to the press, is he an advocate of and a supporter of a free press?
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That is a very interesting question. And of course, if you compare Ukraine to Russia and Zelenskyy to Putin, with that unfettering backdrop, Zelenskyy can seem like supportive, independent press. But so, first of all, all the things that I'm describing, the pressure that was being put on the newspaper, that happened under Zelenskyy, that happened under his administration. And so what you need to understand about. About Zelenskyy is that he, first and foremost, he does not love criticism. Well, nobody does. But he comes from a background where he's used to hearing a pause, not criticism.
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As a comedian, he's Used to hearing
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applause as a comedian, as an actor, yes, he's used to that and one sympathizes with that. But as a president, as a politician, you don't get applause very often. You get criticism, you get short questions. And it is part of the job to be able to answer that. Even before the war, you could see at press conferences and his reactions to questions that were asked of him that he, to put it very simply, he had a very thin skin for that.
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Would you say that he's more or less comfortable with the free press than Donald Trump?
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I think there's a lot of similarities. There's a lot of similarities there, yes.
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Well, Donald Trump calls the press vragna Roda, enemy of the people. He uses that Stalin era phrase. He insults people. He directly and personally. He issues lawsuits against all kinds of press outlets. He manipulates ownership situations with CBS and other outlets. It's a fairly grim situation where press freedom is concerned on a comparative level in the United States. And I wonder, when we think of Zelenskyy, we think of him very often in heroic terms, certainly in comparison to Vladimir Putin. What's his attitude toward you?
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Well, I think, David, if you ask President Zelenskyy what he thinks about independent press, whether he believes that it deserves to be a central part of a democracy, I think he would say yes. And I think he wouldn't be lying. I think he actually believes that. But when it comes to executing that, I think for him, it's more like, I believe in free press in theory, but I don't want it to touch me. I should be untouchable for that. I should be untouchable to independent press because I'm doing an important job here and you guys are running around asking you questions and interfering with me. It's been nasty a few times and that was even before the war. So then when you add to it everything that happened after 2022 and the heroic, as you said, treatment that he has been getting from the whole world, for him being the leader of the Brazil and Ukraine, when you add that component, it makes a person naturally even less welcoming of any criticism. So if you would have to guess how many interviews Zelenskyy has given to independent press In Ukraine since 2022, it's 00 interviews to independent Ukrainian journals since the start of the war. Four years. There has been a handful of press conferences where journals were allowed to ask questions. But some independent outlets were banned from press conferences or from briefings with his administration and with us. Well, there were situations when for Example, our journalist a couple years ago asked him a question at a press conference, a question that was very important at the time, about the quality of certifications that were being built near the front
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lines and fortifications on the front line.
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The defenses, yes, the defenses, yes, yes. In the areas where Russia was expected to advance next, there were very costly and highly advertised defensive structures being built. And there were allegations of they're not being very effective. There's maybe some money being stolen somewhere, you know, as it goes. So our journalist asked him a question about the quality of fortifications in this certain area, and he got angry. He asked something back. He talked back. He, in the end, didn't give a very good answer. And he was clearly just so annoyed at the question. You can say that it's similar to how President Trump reacts, but he didn't go as far as calling out the journalists and calling him, you know, something, President Trump.
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President Trump has threatened to cut off licenses for television stations through the fcc.
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Well, does that happen in Ukraine, actually? So it's not, you know, it's not something that I think Zelensky would order himself. But Ukrainian authorities have been known to revoke accreditations from journalists for. As punishment for their coverage. So essentially, to work as a journalist in Ukraine now during the martial law, you need a specific accreditation that is issued by Defense Ministry. And even we have seen cases with a couple of our journalists before where those accreditations were revoked or threatened to be revoked directly in response for critical coverage, and we were able to fight it back.
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Is anybody ever prosecuted or put in jail?
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No, I don't think so. No. There were other things, though. Law enforcement has been going after journalists sometimes, and some cases are provoked. Pretty loud scandals with surveillance, with things like drafting somebody for the military, if it's a male journalist, just forcibly drafting them for the military as punishment for their reporting. There have been cases like that where it was proved that this comes as a retribution.
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We see in this country and all over the world that in wartime, it is a dilemma, consciously or not consciously, for the independent press, whether they should be loyal, whether they should be critical. I have no doubt that your newsroom, they obviously are all united in wanting to see Ukraine prevail and the war end. And the sentiment about Russia, I'm sure, is fairly united in a time of war especially. What does it mean to be fair, objective, if that's a word that you think about, or activist? How do you think of the paper in that sense?
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I think being named the Kyiv Independent and being based in Kyiv and the team Being a mix of Ukrainians and foreigners who care about Ukraine, it would be ridiculous if we were to claim that we are unbiased. But at the same time, this war being in some senses so black and white, it having an aggressor and the side that is on the defense. I think it is not insane for anybody to be firmly on the side of Ukraine here. But what that means is how I think about it. We can't and we will never become like a PR agency for Ukraine, a propaganda outlet. And there is, it is. It can be tempting to go in that direction because that would go well short term with the audience. Like short term, if we start writing just about Ukraine's wins, if we start writing only good things about Ukraine, if we drop any stories about any ineffectiveness, corruption, mismanagement, all the things we're writing about, if we drop all that and focus on the positives and focus on the resilience, the hated world, we are going to probably see, no, most surely we will see a boost in attention. And so it is, in a way it can be tempting to go that path, but it's just not what we want to do. To put it very simply, I think it is so cool that Ukraine, the country that I love so much that I want my future to be here. It is so cool that during this insane war for survival, it has an independent English language newsroom that is operating in the heart of Kyiv that only started three months before the war. And it has grown into this thing that challenges the President. And I just think it is so much cooler than being even the best propaganda outlet that we could be.
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Olga Rudyenko, thank you so much.
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Thank you, David.
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Olga Rudienko is editor in chief of the Kiev Independent, which publishes online in English. I'm David Remnick. That's our program for today. Thanks for listening. See you next time.
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The New Yorker Radio Hour
Episode: How Donald Trump’s War on Iran Helps Vladimir Putin’s War on Ukraine
Date: April 3, 2026
Host: David Remnick
Guest: Olga Rudenko, Editor-in-Chief, Kyiv Independent
This episode explores the complex interplay between America’s recent war with Iran, its shifting stance on aid to Ukraine under Donald Trump’s administration, and how these dynamics play directly into Russia’s hands—politically, economically, and militarily. David Remnick interviews Olga Rudenko, editor-in-chief of the Kyiv Independent, covering the impact on everyday Ukrainian lives, Ukraine’s drift from the West, Putin’s strategic gains, and the challenges of reporting independent journalism in wartime.
Ukraine’s Hardest Winter ([01:34])
“Since early 2025, things changed dramatically for people in Kyiv… we were facing blackouts and for many weeks we were on maybe like 12 hours of electricity supply a day.” (Olga Rudenko, [01:48])
Psychological Toll of Perpetual Curfew ([10:06])
“Turns out that you want to have this opportunity. You want to be able to go on a nighttime walk around the city or… take a 2am taxi home… I used to really feel the constraint of this on my freedom. And then I guess I got used to it.” (Olga Rudenko, [10:33])
Feeling Betrayed, Not Forgotten ([02:38]–[03:23])
US "Switching Sides,” Conditioning Aid on Ukraine Ceding Territory ([03:25])
“Yesterday was the first time when President Zelensky said publicly that the US is only ready to provide security guarantees to Ukraine if Ukraine surrenders more ground to Russia… it is insane if you think about it.” (Olga Rudenko, [04:17])
Changing Ukrainian War Aims ([05:15])
“We need to stop this now, but eventually those lands need to be returned to Ukraine, including Crimea.” (Olga Rudenko, [06:31])
Oil Crisis Benefits Russia ([11:22])
“It couldn’t have been better for them." (Olga Rudenko, [12:39])
Russia-Iran Military Synergy ([13:45])
“Russia would not be able to terrorize Ukrainian cities as it has been without Iranian help.” (Olga Rudenko, [15:26])
Diverted Military Aid ([16:03])
“President Trump snapped at this offer a couple of times publicly… saying that we definitely don’t need help from Ukraine and we definitely don't need help from Zelensky.” (Olga Rudenko, [17:12])
Managing Trump’s Ego; Zelensky’s Lack of Real Agency ([17:33]–[20:49])
“It’s not Zelenskyy who is an obstacle to signing an unfavorable peace deal… If he signs a peace deal that gives Donbas to Russia, he will probably be out of office the next day.” (Olga Rudenko, [19:40])
Origins Amidst Pressure ([22:55])
Zelensky and Press Freedom ([25:28])
“Even before the war… he had a very thin skin for that.” (Olga Rudenko, [26:26])
“If you would have to guess how many interviews Zelensky has given to independent press in Ukraine since 2022, it’s zero interviews.” (Olga Rudenko, [29:10])
Defining Independence During War ([33:20])
“It would be ridiculous if we were to claim that we are unbiased… but we can’t and never will become like a PR agency for Ukraine, a propaganda outlet.” (Olga Rudenko, [33:24])
On emotional adaptation in Kyiv:
“I used to really feel the constraint of this on my freedom. And then I guess I got used to it.” (Olga Rudenko, [10:33])
On American pressure to cede territory:
“This is now our security guarantee? …It is such an insane thing because it means surrendering… the most fortified part of Ukraine… and to hear now that the US, supposedly our ally, is making this a condition, it is insane…” (Olga Rudenko, [04:21])
On media independence in Ukraine:
“We can't and we will never become like a PR agency for Ukraine, a propaganda outlet… It is so cool that… it has an independent English language newsroom… that challenges the president… cooler than being even the best propaganda outlet that we could be.” (Olga Rudenko, [34:25])
On the impossibility of an “unjust” peace:
“Even with how exhausted everybody is… the majority of Ukrainians still don't want a peace deal at any cost, still don't want an unfair peace deal.” (Olga Rudenko, [19:40])
This episode unpacks how the shifting priorities of US foreign policy—especially under Trump and in the wake of the Iran conflict—not only undermine Ukraine’s hopes but create new strategic advantages for Russia. It paints a vivid picture of Ukrainian resilience and journalistic independence amid both outside pressure and internal political stress, offering rare insight into the challenges faced by Ukraine—not just from the battlefield, but from diplomacy and disinformation as well.