A New Year, A New Cuba

Summary

Summary of "A New Year, A New Cuba" – HISTORY This Week Podcast

Introduction

In the episode titled "A New Year, A New Cuba," the HISTORY® Channel delves into the pivotal events of December 1958 that culminated in the fall of Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista and the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. Hosted by Alana Casanova Burgess, the episode meticulously examines the strategic maneuvers, key personalities, and societal shifts that reshaped Cuba's destiny. Through expert interviews and vivid storytelling, listeners gain an in-depth understanding of how December became a watershed moment in Cuban history.

Historical Context: Batista's Rise and Rule (00:47 – 10:06)

The episode opens with a vivid depiction of New Year's Eve 1958, highlighting the tense atmosphere at Cuban President Fulgencio Batista's lavish party in Havana (01:30). Unlike previous celebrations, the absence of Batista's presence initially signaled the government's instability. Batista, who had seized power twice—first in 1933 and again in 1952—was increasingly viewed as an authoritarian ruler who stifled democracy despite initially promising disciplined governance.

Professor Lillian Guerra, a Cuban history expert from the University of Florida, provides context about Batista's deteriorating popularity and his ruthless tactics to maintain control. "Batista was deeply unpopular from the moment that he took power," Guerra explains (09:11). He employed the Cervicion de la en Semilitar, an armed secret police force, to persecute opponents, arresting, capturing, and torturing dissenters while simultaneously controlling the press through a Ministry of Information (09:36).

The Cuban Revolution and the 26th of July Movement (10:06 – 13:52)

Amid Batista's oppressive regime, opposition began to crystallize, not driven by a specific ideology but by a collective desire to oust Batista. Fidel Castro emerged as a central figure, leading the 26th of July Movement after a failed attack on an army barracks in 1953 (12:09). Although the assault resulted in significant casualties, it galvanized resistance against Batista. "Their plan is not that they will win. Their plan is to make a point," Castro remarked (12:43), emphasizing the movement's commitment to change.

Julia Swig, an author on Cuban history, notes the strategic importance of Cuba's economic dependence on the United States, particularly in the sugar industry. "The Cuban economy at that time is dominated by sugar, and its number one customer is the United States," Swig explains (10:15). This dependency, coupled with the fear of communism spreading during the Cold War, made Batista keen on cultivating favorable relations with the U.S. Despite Batista's attempts to portray himself positively through propaganda, his actions only deepened opposition.

Media Savvy and Propaganda (13:02 – 16:34)

Both Batista and the revolutionary forces understood the power of media in shaping public perception. Batista hired Edmund Chester, a former CBS executive, to enhance his image in the United States, investing heavily in public relations to present himself as a modernizer (09:50). However, his brutal tactics paradoxically fueled resistance. "He was assuming that the journalists would report this and that people would see his side, and they did the opposite," Guerra observes (13:14).

Conversely, the 26th of July Movement leveraged media to gain support. "The working class was very media savvy. Cuba was a big pioneer. It had more television stations than any other country in Latin America," Guerra states (14:29). Journalists played a critical role in exposing Batista's brutality, with images of dead bodies circulating widely, undermining Batista's propaganda efforts (14:50).

The December Capital Campaign: Cerro Trese 03 Cs (16:34 – 17:57)

As Batista's grip weakened, the 26th of July Movement orchestrated a nationwide boycott known as Cerro Trese 03 Cs—"compras, compras, and cabare" (shopping, purchasing, and going out to bars and dance clubs) (17:11). This campaign aimed to cripple Batista's economy by encouraging Cubans to abstain from consumer activities. "The streets of Havana are empty. Fulgencio Batista is panicking," Guerra describes (18:09).

The movement's adept use of cryptic advertisements and secret pamphlets, symbolized by a shampoo bottle labeled "Cero tre," effectively disseminated the boycott message without attracting immediate repression (17:37). This civil disobedience coincided with the festive December atmosphere, making the boycott both a strategic and symbolic act of resistance (16:25).

Battle of Santa Clara: The Turning Point (19:32 – 23:59)

The culmination of revolutionary momentum occurred with the Battle of Santa Clara, a strategically crucial city for Cuba's sugar industry. Che Guevara, one of Castro's top commanders, led 350 fighters against a formidable force of 3,500 government soldiers (19:46). With meticulous planning aided by Professor Antonio Nunez Jimenez's maps, Guevara focused on neutralizing Batista's armored train, El Tren Blindado, which was pivotal for transporting weapons supplied by the United States (21:07).

On December 29, intense combat erupted as Guevara's forces, bolstered by local residents, assaulted the train. Key tactics included sabotaging the tracks with tractors and overwhelming Batista's soldiers, leading to the train's derailment and destruction of the weaponry (23:37). "The symbolism of the train is both stopping," Guerra notes (23:49), marking a decisive victory that demonstrated the revolutionaries' capacity to dismantle Batista's remaining resources.

Batista's Resignation and Flight (24:36 – 27:20)

With Santa Clara's fall, Batista's confidence shattered. Despite hosting his traditional New Year's Eve party, the atmosphere was fraught with tension as late news of Santa Clara's capture reached Havana (24:53). According to Alfredo Sadule, a presidential bodyguard interviewed by Guerra, Batista made no formal announcement before abruptly leaving the party and fleeing the country (26:07).

Batista's resignation was formally announced in the early hours of January 1, 1959, but by then, his departure was already underway. He fled to the Dominican Republic and subsequently to Portugal, leaving behind a nation eager for change. "The radio stations announced that he fled and there was joy and jubilation and euphoria," Guerra recounts (26:45), capturing the jubilant public reaction to Batista's ousting.

Aftermath and Castro's Consolidation of Power (27:20 – 31:10)

In the immediate aftermath, Fidel Castro orchestrated a triumphant tour across Cuba, reinforcing his image as the revolution's rightful leader. Large murals depicting Castro and orchestrated public appearances elevated him to near-mythical status, fostering a cult of personality that would later complicate Cuba's political landscape (27:40). "He became your surrogate. Fidel was going to act for you," Guerra explains (30:04), highlighting how Castro's centralized authority stifled political pluralism.

While initial hopes centered on social justice and widespread welfare, Castro's consolidation of power led to the establishment of a single-party communist state, diverging from the movement's original inclusive and democratic aspirations. "There was so much invested by Cubans... and Fidel constantly exploited that belief," Guerra asserts (30:04), pointing to the erosion of individual agency and the emergence of authoritarianism under Castro.

Conclusion

"A New Year, A New Cuba" offers a comprehensive exploration of the critical December 1958 events that transitioned Cuba from Batista's dictatorship to Fidel Castro's revolutionary government. Through expert insights and detailed narrative, the episode underscores the complex interplay of military strategy, media manipulation, and societal mobilization that defined this transformative period. While the revolution initially promised democracy and social justice, Castro's subsequent actions revealed a shift towards authoritarianism, leaving a lasting impact on Cuba's political and social fabric.

Notable Quotes

• Professor Lillian Guerra: "Batista was deeply unpopular from the moment that he took power" (09:11).
• Professor Lillian Guerra: "The streets of Havana are empty. Fulgencio Batista is panicking" (18:09).
• Alana Casanova Burgess: "Felicidades," Batista announces to the crowd (00:46 - 01:30).
• Professor Lillian Guerra: "The possibility of getting rid of Batista becomes palpable" (16:06).
• Julia Swig: "Cuba's a tiny country, but it's geographically really close to the United States" (10:15).

Acknowledgments

Special thanks to Professor Lillian Guerra and Julia Swig for their invaluable contributions to this episode. The episode was produced and sound designed by Ben Dickstein, with production by David Weisbord, under the executive production of Eli Lehrer and Liv Fiddler from the History Channel.

Transcript

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[Alana Casanova Burgess]

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[Alana Casanova Burgess]

History this Week New Year's Eve, 1958 I'm Alana Casanova Burgess. To put it mildly, the vibes are not good at this New Year's Eve party, which isn't normally the case. This is Cuban President Fulgencio Batista's party, and in years past it's been a blowout. It's at the president's home within a military base in the capital, Havana, and some of the most powerful people in Cuba are invited. Or at least they're powerful for now, because this government, the rule of Fulgencio Batista, is collapsing. Batista hasn't actually arrived at the party yet. Not a good sign. In the meantime, some guests wander over to the buffet table where military aides in crisp white uniforms serve arroz con pollo on fine china. There's champagne, but most people are sticking to coffee. They need to see where the night is going. Rebel forces fighting against the Batista government have won battle after battle in the month of December across Cuba, and now Havana is in their crosshairs. Finally, ten minutes before midnight, a convoy of cars pulls up. President Batista walks up the stairs to the second floor, where the party is. The mayor of Havana, Justo Luis Pozo, turns to Senator Jorge Garcia Montes don't you notice Batista is nervous? The mayor asks. The senator replies, no, I don't see that. Just before midnight, Batista lifts up his cup of coffee, spiked with some brandy. Felicidades, he announces to the crowd. Feliz a nuevo, the guests reply. Batista finishes his food, makes his way over to one of his majors, whispers in his ear. The president then leaves the room, walks back down the stairs. This is his last New Year's Eve party in Cuba today. The final days of the Cuban Revolution. How did the country resist against a ruthless dictator? And why did things finally change in December 1958?

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Rules and restrictions may apply. Professor Lillian Guerra specializes in Cuban history at the University of Florida. Her family is Cuban, but she was raised in Marion, Kansas, a town of about 2,000 people, where being Cuban was.

[Jane Fonda]

Very exotic and very unusual. And that meant that in some ways I grew up more Cuban than I would have if I had gone somewhere where I would have been surrounded by other Cubans. Cubans.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

It's fair to say that Guerra stuck out, but not in a way that made her feel marginalized.

[Jane Fonda]

People didn't want us to be anything but what we were, so we weren't being forced to assimilate. My friends were interested in my mother's cooking, could imitate my mother speaking and yelling at me in Spanish, which she did a lot.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Guerra also maintained a direct relationship with her family still living in Cuba. Every December, her grandparents would make the trip from the island nation to the very not island nation of Kansas.

[Jane Fonda]

My grandparents, especially my grandfather, he had very complex stories and memories of the political culture and life of Cuba that really had disappeared from the discourse of most Cuban exiles at the time. It was all bad before Fidel, and you weren't really, as a child, allowed to ask questions about that.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

It was all bad before Fidel, meaning the time before the Cuban Revolution and Fidel Castro's rise to power, before he shifted the country towards a single party communist state, which arguably wasn't so great either. That's why Guerra's mother used communist as a pejorative term.

[Jane Fonda]

It was always, you know, you know, so that makes you want to understand, what the hell does that mean?

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

This sparked a curiosity in Guerra even at a young age. It pushed her to better understand both sides of this moment in time, this inflection point. In December of 1958, Fulgencio Batista seizes power six years earlier in 1952, in a coup. But it's actually his second coup in Cuba. The first one came in 1933, when he takes over from Gerardo Machado, another dictator. Batista is seen as a hope for democracy until he too, slips into authoritarianism. He's ousted from power in 1944, and in the following years, Cuba is able to maintain a constitutional democracy.

[Jane Fonda]

We had a period from 44 to 52 that was what we could think of as the democratic experiment, where Cuba actually had a standing democracy in real elections, and Batista was very unpopular.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Batista runs for president in 1952, and while in a distant third place in the polls, stages his second coup. With the backing of the military, he.

[Jane Fonda]

Announced that he was now going to rule the island and that it was supposedly in some kind of a crisis, which it wasn't.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Batista immediately reintroduces his old ways and undoes years of social and economic progress made under the previous democratically elected government. Although Batista also calls his new government a, quote, disciplined democracy.

[Jane Fonda]

He was deeply unpopular from the moment that he took power, he used the Cervicion de le en Semilitar, the scene, which was an armed secret wing of the police, in order to pursue opponents. He arrested, captured, tortured. He created a Ministry of Information to censor the press. He also established a lot of new newspapers for himself that would promote himself.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Public relations are a key aspect of Batista's regime propaganda, but not just directed towards Cubans. He hires Edmund Chester, a former CBS executive, to promote his Image in the.

[Jane Fonda]

US this is a guy who paid up to 20 or 30 thousand dollars a month to Chester to represent him in the United States, in the media, as a positive builder of a modern Cuba when it obviously was doing the opposite.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Why was this important to direct this propaganda at America? Julia Swig is the author of several books on Cuba's history.

[Julia Swig]

Cuba's a tiny country, but it's geographically really close to the United States. And the Cuban economy at that time is dominated by sugar.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Sugar is Cuba's number one export, and its number one customer is the United States.

[Julia Swig]

The economics of the relationship is one of total dependence.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Cuba is also seen as a place where communism could spread. There was an active Communist party in the country at the time. This is during the Cold War, after all, so that has the US Government nervous. Plus, Cuba had long been a tourist destination for Americans, especially Havana, kind of a Las Vegas type of place.

[Julia Swig]

The gambling, the entertainment, the tourism, the proximity, all of this gives the United States this kind of hegemonic pretense, which sounds like a pretentious phrase for, you know, the ethos of control.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

So getting the US on his side is a top priority for Batista. Plus, as an egomaniacal dictator, he just likes to be liked.

[Jane Fonda]

He spent a lot of money on image making, and, I mean, he was a narcissist. So he saw himself as Cuba's savior from itself.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Batista is certainly not Cuba's savior. In the face of his oppression, as it often does, resistance starts to build. This resistance doesn't belong to any particular political ideology. In fact, it might be inspired by very mainstream American politics.

[Julia Swig]

The Cuban revolutionaries I know would die if they heard me say this, but I kind of see them as New Deal Democrats, you know, in fact, Fidel Castro, he did write a letter to Franklin Roosevelt as a boy.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Fidel Castro writes this letter when he was 14. And it is not a manifesto. He asks FDR for a $10 bill. But as an adult, Castro, a lawyer and political rebel, makes one of the boldest moves in Cuban history. It's July 26, 1953. Castro is preparing an attack. He and about 160 other rebels will strike an army barracks. They will be outmanned and outgunned.

[Jane Fonda]

Their plan is not that they will win. Their plan is to make a point.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

They accomplish that mission, but at a great cost.

[Jane Fonda]

More than 80 of them are killed. Many were not slaughtered in the moment. They were captured and then they were deeply tortured.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

And Batista is proud to show this off, feeling that this would just fuel his propaganda machine. He invites the press to bear witness to torture and executions.

[Jane Fonda]

He was assuming that the journalists would report this and that people would see it and take his side, and they did the opposite.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

This attack on 26 July 1953, it solidifies the opposition against Batista. And Fidel Castro renames his rebel group the 26th of July Movement. Despite what the future would hold for Castro, this movement doesn't have a specific ideology. They just want to see Batista go.

[Jane Fonda]

It would be completely ahistorical and a total contradiction of everything I've ever published to say the 26th of July Movement was a communist movement.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

But that doesn't stop Batista from throwing around the label.

[Jane Fonda]

Batista claimed that everybody who opposed him was a communist, and that helped Fidel too, because everybody knew he wasn't.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Opposition against Batista continues to grow across Cuba over the next few years, from the 26th of July Movement and many other groups. And it's not just military action that moves the needle. Cuba's people, everyday citizens, play a huge role. Organizers know that winning their hearts and minds is just as important as winning firefights. And like Batista, they become masters of the media.

[Jane Fonda]

The working class was very media savvy. Cuba was a big pioneer. It had more television stations than any other country in Latin America.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Since Batista's invitation to reporters to bear witness to his tortures and executions, the press has become less and less afraid to censor the truth of his brutality.

[Jane Fonda]

Journalists took pictures of dead bodies on the streets and would just publish the picture of the dead body.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

There are still fears about actively organizing opposition through the mainstream press. Yet activists still find a way to spread the word.

[Jane Fonda]

The underground had newspapers, and they were small in size. And those who distributed the newspapers were in constant danger. They were tailed by the police. They had to be constantly living in safe houses.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

By 1958, the underground activists working in Cuba cities have truly been forced underground.

[Jane Fonda]

If you were in the underground and you were really underground, it was really hard to find people who would let you stay in their house. So you had some. Some houses that have 40, 50 people sleeping on the floor and on the roof, you know, standing up in showers.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

And yet there seems to be hope. Earlier in 1958, 326th of July soldiers defeated a force of 10,000 of Batan Batista's men. Since then, government forces have been pushed further and further back towards Havana. By December, there's a sense among the people that things could be on the brink of change.

[Julia Swig]

The possibility of getting rid of Batista becomes palpable. So the civilian participation in the revolutionary fervor becomes very, very widespread.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The fact that all of this momentum seems to be building in December, it's actually good timing.

[Jane Fonda]

December is a time in Cuba when people party a lot and people just drop by your house, and it's a whole month of kind of joy.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

It's the time when Lillian Guerra's grandparents would come up to visit her in Kansas. Years later, it's the holidays, a month to enjoy family and friends. But to many, that feels wrong with the state of the country the way it is.

[Jane Fonda]

The idea was we cannot be engaging in hedonistic pleasures when the country is suffering and Batista committing atrocities and there are people dying.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The 26th of July Movement helped set up a campaign, a boycott, called Cerro Trese 03 Cs, meaning we won't participate.

[Jane Fonda]

In the three Cs, which were sine movies, compras purchases and shopping, and cabare, which is to go out to bars and dance clubs.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Now it's tough to promote a widespread boycott with an authoritarian government breathing down your neck. But that's where the movement's media skills and diverse coalition of support once again come into play.

[Jane Fonda]

It was promoted secretly, really over the radio, as a shampoo, like a secret shampoo that had secret ingredients. But all it was was a shampoo bottle that said Cero tre.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Cerro tre. Activists place cryptic ads in newspapers and distribute secret pamphlets to promote the campaign. We'll put those images on our site, which you can find at the bottom of the episode. Description.

[Jane Fonda]

There is a call to patriotic duty, and that call is to participate in this national strike of pleasure and of joy and the traditional Christmas.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

And it works. The streets of Havana are empty. Fulgencio Batista is panicking.

[Jane Fonda]

The whole landscape for Batista was intimidating, and he responds to that by trying to counter the campaign with public works.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

For example, Batista unveils a massive statue of Jesus Christ near a military base in the Bay of Havana and invites local priests to attend the unveiling.

[Jane Fonda]

And Virtually no clergy show up in protest as part of the same campaign. Like, you know, what are we celebrating here?

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Cerro Trece proves to be a defining moment in this revolution.

[Jane Fonda]

It speaks to, you know, kind of the importance of civil society creativity and ensuring that people would see the cause of victory over Batista not as a military cause and not as a military movement, but one of morality and a moral cause.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

But it is, of course, also a military movement. Batista had been receiving weapons from the US government, but as of March 1958, not anymore.

[Julia Swig]

The United States declares an arms embargo. That's a vote of lack of confidence, clearly. And Batista is not only fighting the rebels, he's also trying to contain dissent within his own military.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Several defeats have forced Batista's men to retreat to Cuba's major cities. But there's just one city that the 26th of July forces believe if they capture, can bring an end to this war. Santa Clara.

[Jane Fonda]

It's a very big city, and it's a depot for what are the huge number of sugar cane plantations and sugar companies. We call them sugar mills. Ingenios.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Remember, sugar is Cuba's number one export, the driver of its economy. If you want to bring the Batista regime down, Santa Clara is the place to strike. And December is the time to do it.

[Jane Fonda]

December. December is the big month, the height of the harvest season.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Che Gueu Ara, one of Castro's top commanders, is advancing his forces towards Santa Clara, occupying town after town along the way, rallying Cubans to their cause, and collecting weapons and equipment left behind by Batista's men. By late December, Guevara's forces are outside the city.

[Jane Fonda]

If you could get there and paralyze the economy, take over the city, stop the trains. You are stopping the economy.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The revolution comes down to this.

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[Alana Casanova Burgess]

On the morning of December 27, 1958, Professor Antonio Nunez Jimenez arrives at Che Guevara's camp just outside the city of Santa Clara. Jimenez is a geography professor at the city's university and has brought maps and charts to help Guevara plot his attack. Guevara has 340 fighters compared to 3500 government backed soldiers. So every decision, every tactic is going to count. Guevara turns his focus to an armored train. Two diesel engines, 17 freight cars. It's massive.

[Jane Fonda]

That train was shipping a huge stockpile of weapons made in the USA and effectively granted to Batista.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

These weapons had been acquired before the US declared an arms embargo earlier in the year, which means that Batista can't replace them. The battle begins on December 29. The fighting is intense. Santa Clara's residents join Guevara's forces, providing shelter, barricading streets, throwing Molotov cocktails. In the afternoon, Batista's men are pushed back and retreat to the armored train for protection. Once the soldiers board, the train starts moving, presumably to escape, and then.

[Jane Fonda]

Instead it gets blown up and derailed. And it stops, you know, just stops. Coal.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The train derails. Guevara had had tractors pull away pieces of the track that morning.

[Jane Fonda]

The symbolism of the train, you know, it's both stopping. Batista also blowing up the weaponry that had been supplied by the United States government.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The armored train, El Tren Blindado will become a Cuban national monument. The derailed cars are still in place today. In the moment, it's a sign that the tide has turned. The war is almost over. It's New Year's Eve. Fulgencio Batista is throwing one of his famous parties at his home on a military base in Havana. Usually there's dancing, drinking cigars, but the mood is much more subdued for Cuba's elite with the 26th of July forces quickly advancing.

[Jane Fonda]

I think it speaks to just how convinced he was that he was on safe ground and that he could engage in this kind of party in the very moments when, you know, the revolutionaries were, were nipping at his heels and about to take the state.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

But the party starts without Batista. When he does arrive, guests can sense that something is wrong and they're right. Earlier in the night, at 9pm, Batista had been told that Santa Clara had officially fallen to the 26th of July forces led by Che Guevara. But even in the face of this stunning defeat, Batista makes an appearance at his party before slipping away.

[Jane Fonda]

From my perspective, no way in hell did Batista plan that he was going to flee the country that night. He would never have left $8 million in cash. I'm certain he would have destroyed the evidence of his own crimes, and he didn't do that. He would have been more prepared.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Batista meets with his top officials in his downstairs office. Behind locked doors, he reads his resignation letter and has others sign it. Back at the party, no one knows what's going on. Lillian Guerra interviewed Alfredo Sadule, a presidential bodyguard who was there that night.

[Jane Fonda]

He said that there was no general announcement and the party went on.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Some reports say that Batista came back to the party to announce his resignation. But according to Sadole and others, once Batista left the party, he was gone.

[Jane Fonda]

That meant that all these other people, when they realized that Batista was gone, I mean, they must have panicked.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

By the time Cuba learns of Batista's resignation, in the wee hours of New Year's Day, 1959, the ex president is already on his way to the Dominican Republic, where he'll be sheltered by Rafael Trujillo, another dictator. But word spreads fast.

[Jane Fonda]

The radio stations announced that he fled and there was joy and jubilation and euphoria. No way. People were still sleeping and found out. Everybody. There's no way you could have stayed in bed in the early morning, was probably around 2 o'clock in the morning, 2 to 3 in the morning, the plaza was already packed with as many people as you could fit in there, which is at least maybe 200,000 people. There were people just flooded into the streets.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

While the 26th of July Movement knew Batista's fall was close, they don't expect it to happen. Right after the victory at Santa Clara.

[Jane Fonda]

Fidel was not expecting it at all. He was at his mom's house and he was celebrating Christmas.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

But he and the 26th of July Movement soon embraced the moment.

[Jane Fonda]

And they spent the first eight days of January creating a triumphant tour of the country where Fidel did this long caravan so that he could stop repeatedly, give a speech. People could see him. There are some locations where he gave a speech. And the local 26th of July organizers had made a very large mural of his face. So he's standing on a stage, standing next to a mural of himself, important so that they could project this image. This is our man, this is the Messiah. And they declared it in the very moment it was happening. The apotheosis of Fidel Castro. He became godlike and he became, you know, the second coming of Jesus.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

After a few months in the Dominican Republic, Batista flees to Portugal with an estimated $250 million fortune he'll live out the rest of his days in Europe before dying of a heart attack in 1973. The Cuba he leaves behind at first is wildly optimistic about the opportunity Fidel Castro offer a new chance at real democracy based on the values of the 26th of July Movement, a society that takes care of all of its citizens.

[Jane Fonda]

The original moral cause of the 26th of July Movement was a cause of social justice. That it should be nobody in Cuba who is hungry, that there should be nobody in Cuba who doesn't have medical care, and there should be nobody in Cuba who wants an education, who won't get it.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

Unfortunately, that vision is not realized. As Castro consolidates his power, it becomes more and more clear that he is abandoning these values.

[Jane Fonda]

So what makes this Cuban revolution different? It was hijacked by Fidel Castro, who ultimately betrayed the very thing that he said he would never betray. We're going to have one party, one state, you know, I mean, when elections became illegal, people kept thinking, well, maybe he's just doing this because he has to.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

The messaging campaign by the 26th of July Movement Elevating Castro to near godlike status. It makes it difficult for Cubans to question his decisions, even when they're contrary to the movement he once led.

[Jane Fonda]

There was so much invested by Cubans, Cuban individuals, your belief, your future, your faith, your everyday comforts in this project that was going to be transformative, and it would lay beyond the self. And Fidel constantly, constantly tapped that. He constantly exploited that, and he reiterated it in ways that inspired people to continue to believe in it. And what was absent from this process was participation at the level of representation. You know, Fidel became your surrogate. You know, Fidel was going to act for you. Fidel knew best. And when Cubans surrendered their own agency to a man, they surrendered their future, and they surrendered their own citizenship, their own selves. And once that happened, it was very difficult for literally individuals to say, my God, I was wrong.

[Alana Casanova Burgess]

It's impossible to compare the Batista and Castro regimes if one is worse than the other. Lilian Guerra's grandfather criticized the years Batista was in power after Castro. Her mother used communist as a dirty word. But historians agree that the future thought possible on New Year's Day, 1959 was not the future that Cuba got. Thanks for listening to History this week, a Back Pocket Studios production in partnership with the History Channel. To stay updated on all things History this week, sign [e-mail] and if you have any thoughts or questions, send us an [e-mail] Special thanks to our guests Lillian Guerra, professor of Cuban and Caribbean History at the University of Florida and author of Heroes, Martyrs and Political Messiahs in Revolutionary Cuba and Julia Swig, author of what Everyone Needs to Know. This episode was produced and sound designed by Ben Dickstein. It was also produced by David Weisbord and hosted by me, Ilana Casanova Burgess for Back Pocket Studios. Our executive producers are Ben Dickstein and David Weisbord from the History Channel. Our executive producers are Eli Lehrer and Liv Fiddler. Don't forget to follow, rate and review history this week wherever you get your podcasts, and we'll see you next week.